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Defending democracy
Author: Ami Pedahzur

This book looks at the theoretical issue of how a democracy can defend itself from those wishing to subvert or destroy it without being required to take measures that would impinge upon the basic principles of the democratic idea. It links social and institutional perspectives to the study, and includes a case study of the Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence, which tests the theoretical framework outlined in the first chapter. There is an extensive diachronic scrutiny of the state's response to extremist political parties, violent organizations and the infrastructure of extremism and intolerance within Israeli society. The book emphasises the dynamics of the response and the factors that encourage or discourage the shift from less democratic and more democratic models of response.

The parliamentary arena
Ami Pedahzur

FROM THE START of the twentieth century, the political party became a pivotal institution in politics. The decline of the elite party model and the ascendance of the mass party model changed the structure of political procedure in many European countries; it afforded representation to groups previously deprived of political power and promoted the democratisation processes of many systems of contemporary governance. 1 However, along with the expansion of the mass party model, another type of political party took root. The effect on

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
Sarah Glynn

Glynn 07_Tonra 01 19/06/2014 12:54 Page 147 7 Bengalis in the council chamber The community-based activism of the late 1970s led to a pragmatic move into mainstream Labour politics.1 For many activists this was the logical next step, despite the fact that party politics had been only peripheral to the struggles described in the previous chapter, and that in some of the housing battles Tower Hamlets Labour Council had been on the opposing side.These activists generally continued to see themselves as representatives of the Bengali community, but argued that they

in Class, ethnicity and religion in the Bengali East End
Hutchinson and party politics, 1700–20
Andrew Sneddon

3 ‘A well affected man’: Hutchinson and party politics, 1700–20 From 1689 to 1714, Tory and Whig was the standing political division in Parliament and in the political identities assumed by most MPs. From time to time this pattern was upset by coalitions between court and country members of both parties. These coalitions were more prominent in the 1690s than in the 1700s and the 1710s, when the Tory party increasingly became the natural home of the committed country supporter. The court vs country divide was characterised by the quest of country members to

in Witchcraft and Whigs
Abstract only
John Privilege

between the national movement and sections of the hierarchy. For him, a close relationship between politics and religion was not only desirable but essential. The example of the Risorgimento had shown that nationalism without clerical direction could be as dangerous to the interests of religion as socialism or science. Although he remained committed to the idea of selfgovernment, Logue was far from being the ‘quintessential nationalist’ of the Home Rule era.2 His difficulty was that, by the 1890s, he was increasingly unable to trust the leadership of the Irish Party. The

in Michael Logue and the Catholic Church in Ireland, 1879–1925
Abstract only
Traditional political alignments
Brian Heffernan

1 In the old groove: traditional political alignments By the beginning of 1919, the Irish Parliamentary Party had all but vanished from the political stage. At the outbreak of war in 1914, John Redmond’s party had just succeeded in securing home rule. The implementation of the new law was shelved for the duration of hostilities, mainly because the Ulster question needed to be resolved first. But for Redmond, the prize had been won, and he could see only benefits for the nationalist militia, the Irish National Volunteers, in joining the imperial army. Although

in Freedom and the Fifth Commandment
John Privilege

individual prelates towards the republican movement. Walsh, along with Michael Fogarty, the Bishop of Killaloe, proved particularly receptive to the overtures of Sinn Féin. In August, the Archbishop of Dublin had been consulted by the Lord Mayor, Laurence Ginnell, on the launch of a new political party. All involved, Ginnell reported, were of the opinion that an interview with Walsh was most desirable.12 The archbishop, however, 116 Michael Logue & the Catholic Church in Ireland declined. He believed that the time was not opportune because the Irish Party had not yet

in Michael Logue and the Catholic Church in Ireland, 1879–1925
Sarah Glynn

Glynn 09_Tonra 01 19/06/2014 12:56 Page 215 9 The Respect experiment We have seen how, for many young Muslims, political Islam, or Islamism, has become the new opposition to capitalist materialism, attracting a generation away from seeking secular solutions through socialism, as well as from the leftistderived New Social Movements. This chapter looks at how some socialists, predominantly in the Socialist Workers’ Party (SWP), have tried to rebuild links with young Muslims through an unlikely political alliance that attempted to bring together two completely

in Class, ethnicity and religion in the Bengali East End
The life of Bishop Francis Hutchinson, 1660–1739
Author: Andrew Sneddon

Historians who have written about Francis Hutchinson have tended to study a small part of his life and his literary output as part of larger studies on other subjects. Bishop Hutchinson is thus many things to many historians. To some he represents the archetypal eighteenth-century Protestant bibliophile, to others the type of clerical, social and economic improver and antiquarian that flourished in Ireland in the early eighteenth century. Despite this interest in his life in Ireland, most academics have been drawn to his life and work on account of his seminal, sceptical witchcraft tract, the Historical essay, published in London in 1718. Their interpretations of why Hutchinson rejected traditional witchcraft beliefs in this book reflect the changing face of the historiography of decline in educated belief in witchcraft. The book suggests that Hutchinson dedicated his life firstly to protecting the position of the established Church within society, and secondly to forging and maintaining the political hegemony of the Whig and Hanoverian regime, first in England and then in Ireland. It is suggested that the way he defended these ideals and institutions was in the manner of a moderate, principled, career-minded, Latitudinarian-Whig reformer. Furthermore, it was this outlook that fuelled his third main concern in life, the social and economic improvement of Ireland.

Alec Ryrie

following month, and the five-year-old Queen was shipped off to France. Any kind of English victory now seemed impossible, and indeed the English were quickly besieged in their Scottish strongholds, notably Haddington. By the end of 1549 the military defeat was total. In March 1550 a treaty was concluded which confirmed the rout of the proEnglish and pro-evangelical party in Scotland. The French sealed the renewed alliance by showering Scots magnates with favours. In particular, in 1548 Governor Arran was given the lucrative title of Duke of Châtelherault. This politely

in The origins of the Scottish Reformation