Marnie Hay

recommended William O’Neill who taught at St Andrew’s National School on Brunswick Street (now Pearse Street). 32 During a visit to IRB leader Tom Clarke’s shop, the countess mentioned her plan to approach O’Neill about recruiting some boys to start a nationalist boy scout troop. Clarke ‘thought it a good idea but pointed out to her that as she was a non-Catholic O’Neill might look upon her with suspicion. In fact … he might suspect proselytism.’ At Clarke’s suggestion, she asked Sean McGarry, a future president of the IRB Supreme Council, to accompany her. Once they had

in Na Fianna Éireann and the Irish Revolution, 1909–23
Agricultural science and education
Ian Miller

between imperial rulers and colonised subjects. The religious dimensions of the agricultural schools certainly contributed to public antagonism. In the House of Commons in 1863, Vincent Scully, land reformer and MP for Co. Cork, delivered a diatribe in which he asserted that the mass of the Irish population objected to model farms as they perceived them as ‘nests of proselytism’.80 Scully’s assertions were characteristic, given that he intently focused his political career on promoting reforms that benefited the Catholic community. In this instance, his concerns about

in Reforming food in post-Famine Ireland
John Anderson

controversially, the ban on proselytism. In consequence of the latter ban, over 20,000 Jehovah’s Witnesses served prison terms from 1939 onwards, though this has been enforced with decreasing rigour in recent years, in part because several cases found their way to the European Court. Other problems have arisen in relation to employment rights, conscientious objection, custody over children in divorce cases where one parent comes from a religious minority, and state surveillance over some religious groups. Though central state agencies are proving more reluctant to pursue these

in Christianity and democratisation
When and how are advocacy campaigns effective?
Stephen Noakes

advantages, though much research suggests that activist campaigns benefit enormously from norm entrepreneurship, or the involvement of persuasive, altruistic figureheads who raise the profile of an issue through strong leadership or the iconic embodiment of shared principles. The history of global activism is replete with examples of how the moral vision and proselytism of just such a person proved indispensable for bringing it to prominence on the international stage (Nadelmann, 1990: 481). In his brilliant study of the international aid regime, David Lumsdaine described

in The advocacy trap
Mary Hilson

of rebuilding society’.123 Indeed, he argued that co-operation could barely be considered a movement at all because it was so ‘free of proselytism’.124 This chimed with co-operators’ own insistence on the political neutrality of their movement and helps explain why, in an era of ideological extremes, pragmatism came to be strongly associated with the idea of the Swedish and Nordic ‘middle way’.125 Conclusion Peder Aléx has analysed the development of co-operative thought in detail, in his study of the leading thinkers in KF during the first four decades of the

Marnie Hay

’s leading role in the latter organisation. 52 Unlike other youth groups of the period, such as the various boys’ brigades, religion played no official part in the Fianna, probably because its Protestant founders recognised how politically divisive religion was in Ireland and furthermore did not want Catholic parents to fear proselytism. As nationalism tended to be associated with Catholicism, the majority of Fianna members came from Catholic families, but nationalists of other religions also joined the organisation. The DIB sample includes

in Na Fianna Éireann and the Irish Revolution, 1909–23
The parliamentary arena
Ami Pedahzur

labours of the Jewish Defence League. At first, the rabbi–leader and his supporters mounted demonstrations against the Soviet government and began to wage war against Christian proselytism and the ‘Black Hebrews’ of Dimona. However, in August 1972, Kahane redirected the goals of his organisation to concentrate on the group which would eventually become the principal object of his ‘attentions’ – the Arabs. That same year, he launched an operation entitled ‘The Arabs Don’t Belong Here, They Must Go’. The goal of this operation was to encourage Arab emigration in exchange

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence