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June Cooper

health, workhouse children, juvenile delinquency and cruelty to children which eventually led to the introduction of crucial reforms. This chapter examines the two directly opposing views of PO Societies which emerged in the second half of the nineteenth century. At one end of the spectrum of opinion were Archbishop Cullen and Margaret Aylward who investigated the charity on the grounds of suspected proselytism while at the other were social reformers who regarded the POS boarding-out scheme as an ideal child welfare model worthy of imitation. Missionary work in

in The Protestant Orphan Society and its social significance in Ireland, 1828–1940
John Privilege

3 The university campaign The question The issue of university education in Ireland was a constant source of grievance for the bishops. The university system in Ireland was ‘at the centre of a network of proselytism and indifferentism which the hierarchy had come to regard as the characteristic of the Protestant constitution in Ireland’.1 The Roman Catholic Church demanded the same rights and recognition which the state extended to Protestants in terms of statefunded, denominational university education. The demand for national justice, however, masked other

in Michael Logue and the Catholic Church in Ireland, 1879–1925
June Cooper

Home Rule Movement, proselytism remained an inflammable issue. During Queen Victoria’s visit to Ireland, a ‘Children’s Day’ was held in the Phoenix Park on 9 April 1900. The DPOS was also closed ‘on the occasion of Her Majesty’s visit to Dublin’,59 and a member of the committee noted ‘with satisfaction the large assemblage of children recently in the Phoenix Park’.60 Nationalists regarded Children’s Day as a ‘scheme to use the Queen’s visit for making loyal little Britons of the sons and daughters of Irish Nationalists’ and an ‘act of political souperism and possibly

in The Protestant Orphan Society and its social significance in Ireland, 1828–1940
Abstract only
June Cooper

patrons, withdrew his support over the issue of reading the bible without note or comment, and alleged, though unproven, proselytism, raised in letters written by Bishop MacHale over a period of three years from 1820 to 1823.29 The Education Inquiry of 1825 concluded that, despite its many achievements, the KPS did not meet the needs of the majority of people.30 From 1822 the folk version of the Pastorini Prophecies, which predicted the extirpation of Protestants from Ireland in 1825, became increasingly well known and caused considerable alarm, remaining a ‘constant

in The Protestant Orphan Society and its social significance in Ireland, 1828–1940
Abstract only
Frederick Lucas and social Catholicism in Ireland
Patrick Maume

league and Parnellite agitations. It also implicitly presents Lucas as a forebear of Manning’s social-Catholic advocacy of workers’ interests (including promoting Catholic industrial schools in England to safeguard against proselytism) and the cardinal’s post-1886 support for home rule (regarded by most English bishops as proof of senile dementia).27 Parnell often cited Lucas as prefiguring his creation of an Irish party pursuing independent opposition towards all British administrations. (Parnell had been MP for Meath and some of his local clerical backers had worked

in Irish Catholic identities
Abstract only
S. Karly Kehoe

parish schools and new chapels and orphanages, and the founding of relief and friendly societies. Not only did these organisations work to counter Protestant proselytism but they granted the upper and middle classes a more direct role in the Catholic mission by involving them as teachers, community visitors and care workers. This chapter interlinks an embryonic social welfare network with Scotland’s developing civil society and uses it to bring into sharper focus female agency and the role that it would play in establishing the authority of the church as it worked to

in Creating a Scottish Church
June Cooper

. Local PO Societies, which were not subject to the direction of the parent body in Dublin, were also formed. Thus, by 1838 when the Poor Law was extended to Ireland, the charity had become an established source of private poor relief for respectable Protestants in reduced circumstances. Though an extensive public poor relief measure, the Poor Law was intended to stigmatise pauperism. Workhouses were regarded as dens of proselytism and immorality, and as a ‘badge of shame’. Given the Protestant minority status which was magnified in the workhouse environment

in The Protestant Orphan Society and its social significance in Ireland, 1828–1940
Coping with change
S. Karly Kehoe

limited at first, was accomplished through the cooperative effort of male and female religious personnel and a committed and increasingly influential laity. Catholics embarked upon a campaign of religious voluntarism that mirrored the activities of their Presbyterian counterparts and established the roots of a social welfare network that would emphasise a commitment to the poor and guard Catholics against Protestant proselytism.1 The moral agency of women was a key part of the process since it was believed that the transformation of society would be achieved by and

in Creating a Scottish Church
S. Karly Kehoe

exclude the Irish Famine victims from relief. Viewing this legislation as nothing less than the state-sanctioned extension of Protestantism, Catholic authorities weighed their options and, realising that they had neither the money nor the personnel to cope with the suffering or to fend off Protestant proselytism, they turned to women religious. In 1847, as upwards of 1,000 impoverished Irish were landing in Glasgow each week, the first two nuns arrived and like so many other foundresses they initially divided their time between teaching and impromptu nursing work in an

in Creating a Scottish Church
June Cooper

–98 149 After the reformatory schools act and the later Industrial Schools (Ireland) Act, 1868, fewer children were placed in workhouses and gaols.16 Industrial schools were state funded, operated along denominational lines, and were mainly intended ‘for the little waif or arab whose relatives or associates are vicious or criminal; that is to say, children who appear to have no chance in life but that of growing up cornerboys or disreputable women’.17 Protestants in the north objected to the scheme on the grounds that proselytism was likely to become an issue.18

in The Protestant Orphan Society and its social significance in Ireland, 1828–1940