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Perceptions, experiences, and consequences

This book explores citizens’ perceptions and experiences of security threats in contemporary Britain, drawing on perspectives from International Security Studies and Political Psychology. The empirical chapters are based on twenty focus groups across six British cities and a large sample survey conducted between April and September 2012. These data are used to investigate the extent to which diverse publics share government framings of certain issues as the most pressing security threats, to assess the origins of perceptions of specific security threats ranging from terrorism to environmental degradation, to investigate what makes some people feel more threatened by these issues than others, to examine the effects of threats on other areas of politics such as harbouring stereotypes of minorities or prioritising public spending on border control over health, and to evaluate the effectiveness of government messages about security threats and attempts to change citizens’ behaviour as part of the risk management cycle. The book demonstrates widespread heterogeneity in perceptions of issues as security threats and in their origins, with implications for the extent to which shared understandings of threats are an attainable goal. The concluding chapter summarises the findings and discusses their implications for government and public opinion in the future. While this study focuses on the British case, its combination of quantitative and qualitative methods seeks to make broader theoretical and methodological contributions to scholarship produced in Political Science, International Relations, Political Psychology, and Security Studies.

Lindsey Dodd

for some of the absence of a national ‘collective memory’ of bombing. Common elements of experience occurred within communities because of the shared threat; however, when separate communities faced the same, or similar, threats, commonalities exist across them. Shared elements of memory are thus likely within and between communities. Emotional responses of excitement, fear, anxiety and shock existed in all of the locations, pointing towards a universality of qualitative experience, because of common ways of processing the sensory impressions of bombing and the

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
Open Access (free)
Christoph Menke in dialogue
Series: Critical Powers
Editor:

This book focuses on the paradoxical character of law and specifically concerns the structural violence of law as the political imposition of normative order onto a "lawless" condition. The paradox of law which grounds and motivates Christoph Menke's intervention is that law is both the opposite of violence and, at the same time, a form of violence. The book develops its engagement with the paradox of law in two stages. The first shows why, and in what precise sense, the law is irreducibly characterized by structural violence. The second explores the possibility of law becoming self-reflectively aware of its own violence and, hence, of the form of a self-critique of law in view of its own violence. The Book's philosophical claims are developed through analyses of works of drama: two classical tragedies in the first part and two modern dramas in the second part. It attempts to illuminate the paradoxical nature of law by way of a philosophical interpretation of literature. There are at least two normative orders within the European ethical horizon that should be called "legal orders" even though they forego the use of coercion and are thus potentially nonviolent. These are international law and Jewish law. Understanding the relationship between law and violence is one of the most urgent challenges a postmodern critical legal theory faces today. Self-reflection, the philosophical concept that plays a key role in the essay, stands opposed to all forms of spontaneity.

Abstract only
Lindsey Dodd

qualitatively different to a memory that is merely lived and experienced’.3 In contrast to other nations, the land of liberty, equality and fraternity has, until quite recently, dismissed oral history as ‘partial and partisan’.4 In Italy, Germany, Scandinavia, the former Soviet countries of Eastern Europe, the Anglophone nations, Spain, across South America and in many parts of Africa and Asia, oral history has become a valued historical research tool. As a methodology and a movement it has struggled for acceptance inside scholarly academic history in France  – although

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
Lindsey Dodd

-Allied propaganda. Rather, it came about because of a tangible, quantitative change in the scale of the assault, and the qualitative change in its counterpart, fear. Bombing formed part of the ‘single biggest collective phenomenon’ of war: fear.85 But anger at the bombers was never a collective phenomenon; the population remained broadly on the side of the bombers, as help for downed airmen demonstrates. German and collaborationist propaganda played on fear of the Allies, not the bombs, for political gain. Pro-Allied propaganda focused on the bombs themselves, contextualising

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
Lindsey Dodd

houses there were flattened v 201 v Explaining bombing ‘not by the Allies – it was a V2 that crashed there’ in September 1944. Destruction by an enemy V2 was easier to comprehend than destruction by stray but ‘friendly’ bombs. In Brest, it was widely held that the Germans did as much damage during the siege as the Allied bombs, using flamethrowers to destroy civilian houses; and even if not quantitatively, this appeared to be qualitatively worse because it was maliciously directed at civilians. Yves Le Roy said it was ‘vengeance’; for Andréa Cousteaux, it was ‘to

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
Open Access (free)
Ian McEwan’s The Children Act and the limits of the legal practices in Menke’s ‘Law and violence’
Ben Morgan

reflected on, assessed, and regulated. The law is not the only set of behaviors involved, nor, in McEwan’s view, can it be thought to be qualitatively different from other forms of behavior. Rather, there is range of humane and reasonable behaviors of which the law is only one set of practices, and the law does not have a special protected status that neutralizes human fallibility or emotion. This view of the law differs from Menke’s. If we do not accord the law any special conceptual privileges, then the idea that subjectivity is “constituted by” the law makes little

in Law and violence
Abstract only
Lindsey Dodd

children’s holiday camps includes some qualitative material but concentrates more on structure and policy; she has also used the 1939 child evacuation in France to reveal attitudes towards childrearing.19 Similarly, given the broad scope of her work, Torrie’s comparison of civilian evacuation in Germany and France limits treatment of French children’s experience to a few pages that hint at the complexity and range of schemes set up for children, but cannot be comprehensive.20 Throughout, we learn what was done to children, not what children did. Very few scholarly

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
The French experience, 1792-1815
Gavin Daly

-in-arms; moves on to discuss the political and professional nature of the French armies; and finishes by examining the conduct of war and fighting. The conclusion is that the French Revolutionary-Napoleonic Wars were indeed a watershed in both French and European history. Notwithstanding continuities, there were both fundamental quantitative and qualitative changes in the nature of war. And the French

in Violence and the state
Daniel Stevens
and
Nick Vaughan-Williams

problem demands the triangulation of a range of methods not normally used together in this field of research. Whereas mixed methods approaches are increasingly common in other areas of Political Science, such as Comparative Politics and Public Policy, scholars seeking to better understand the politics of security threats have tended to work either with small-scale qualitative methods such as focus

in Everyday security threats