This book brings together essays on the burgeoning array of local antiquarian
practices that developed across Europe in the early modern era (c. 1400–1700).
Adopting an interdisciplinary and comparative method it investigates how
individuals, communities and regions invented their own ancient pasts according
to the concerns they faced in the present. A wide range of ‘antiquities’ – real
or fictive, Roman or pre-Roman, unintentionally confused or deliberately forged
– emerged through archaeological investigations, new works of art and
architecture, collections, history-writing and literature. This book is the
first to explore the concept of local concepts of antiquity across Europe in a
period that has been defined as a uniform ‘Renaissance’. Contributions take a
new novel approach to the revival of the antique in different parts of Italy and
also extend to other, less widely studied antiquarian traditions in France, the
Netherlands, Spain, Portugal, Britain and Poland. They examine how ruins,
inscriptions and literary works were used to provide evidence of a particular
idea of local origins, rewrite history or vaunt civic pride. They consider
municipal antiquities collections in southern Italy and southern France, the
antiquarian response to the pagan, Christian and Islamic past on the Iberian
peninsula, and Netherlandish interest in megalithic ruins thought to be traces
of a prehistoric race of giants. This interdisciplinary book is of interest for
students and scholars of early modern art history, architectural history,
literary studies and history, as well as classics and the reception of
distinctiveness of common law and English character, Brian Lockley, Law and Empire in English RenaissanceLiterature (Cambridge, 2006), esp. 113–41.
18 David J. Seipp, ‘ Bracton , the Year Books, and the “transformation of elementary legal ideas” in the early common law’, Law and History Review 7 (1989), 175–217, esp. 175.
19 See Susan Reynolds, ‘The emergence of professional law in the long twelfth century’, and the response of Paul Brand , ‘The English difference’, both in Law and History Review 21 (2003), 347
. Hartmann and E. Gössmann in Antiqui und Moderni: Traditionsbewusstsein und Fortschrittsbewusstsein im späten Mittelalter , ed. A. Zimmerman (Berlin, 1974), pp. 21–57.
16 See in general J. W. Dean, The World Grown Old in Later Medieval Literature (Cambridge, Mass., 1997).
17 Reynolds, ‘Social mentalities’, p. 22. See also D. Spadafora, The Idea of Progress in Eighteenth Century Britain (New Haven, 1990).
18 Reynolds, ‘Social mentalities’, p. 25.
19 C. S. Lewis, The Discarded Image: An Introduction to Medieval and RenaissanceLiterature (Cambridge
and empire: the Scottish politics of civilization 1519–1609’, Past and
Present, 150 (1996), 46–83 (esp. pp. 47–52).
20 Raphael Holinshed, The Chronicles of England, Scotlande, and Irelande (London, 1587),
vol. 2, p. 72 (online edition p. 71).
21 Andrew Hadfield, ‘Bruited abroad: John White and Thomas Harriot’s colonial representations of ancient Britain’, in David J. Baker and Willy Maley (eds), British Identities
and English RenaissanceLiterature (Cambridge, 2002), pp. 159–77 (esp. pp.166–73). See
also Lucas de Heere’s drawings (1575) of Scottish Highlanders
. Wymer (eds),
Neo-Historicism: Studies in RenaissanceLiterature, History and
Politics (Studies in renaissanceliterature, 5, 2000), ch. 9.
Zwicker, ‘Politics of affectivity’, p. 212.
Matthew McCormack, ‘Rethinking “loyalty” in
eighteenth-century Britain’, Journal for Eighteenth-Century
Studies , 35 (2012), 409–11. See also F. O’Gorman and A. Bradstock,
‘Loyalism and the British world: overviews, themes and linkages’, in
Bradstock and O’Gorman (eds
Commentary by Conrad H. Rawski (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1991), vol. 1, p. 141.
12 Original and translation from A. Bartlett Giamatti, ‘Hippolytus among the Exiles:
The Romance of Early Humanism’, in A. Bartlett Giamatti, Exile and Change in
RenaissanceLiterature (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1984), p. 18.
13 Giamatti, Exile and Change. For a more recent assessment of Petrarch’s role in the
rebirth of a classical tradition (as opposed to several) that had died and was born
again, see C. W. Kallendorf, ‘Renaissance’, in C. W
in English RenaissanceLiterature, Shakespeare
to Milton (New York, 2003), pp. 76–80.
72 D. Shugen, ‘Irishmen, aristocrats and other white barbarians’, Renaissance
Quarterly, 50(2) (1997), 495; N. Johnston, Devil and Demonism in Early Modern
England (Cambridge, 2006), pp. 40, 227; Tait, Edwards, Lenihan and Pádraig,
‘Early modern Ireland: a history of violence’, p. 27; C. Cannino, ‘The discourse of
Hell: Paradise Lost and the Irish rebellion’, Milton Quarterly, 32(1) (1998), 15–23;
C. Carlton, Going to the Wars: the Experience of the British Civil Wars, 1638
in early modern Ireland: English RenaissanceLiterature and Elizabethan Imperial Expansion (Cambridge, 2001); P. Palmer,
‘Interpreters and the politics of translation and traduction in sixteenth-century
Ireland’, IHS 33 (2003), pp. 257–77.
14 For a brief introduction see: M. Braddick and J. Walter, ‘Introduction’, in Braddick
and Walter (eds), Negotiating Power, pp. 1–42.
15 Kane, ‘Popular Politics’, pp. 332–3.
16 T. Barnard, ‘“Parlour entertainment in an evening?” Histories of the 1640s’,
in M. Ó Siochrú (ed.), Kingdoms in Crisis: Ireland in the 1640s (Dublin
Renaissanceliterature’, The Sixteenth Century
Journal 21(1) (1990), p. 98.
11 There is an extensive literature on the signiﬁcance of lineage: Heal and Holmes, The
Gentry in England and Wales, pp. 27–30; M. James, Family, Lineage, and Civil Society
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974), pp. 108–11; M. James, Society, Politics and Culture
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), pp. 308–415; R. Cust, ‘Honour, rhetoric and political culture: the Earl of Huntingdon and his enemies’, in S.D. Amussen
and M.A. Kishlansky (eds), Political Culture and Cultural Politics in Early