121 ‘Thomas Lever’, Ben Lowe in ODNB .
122 Patrick Collinson, ‘History’, in A Companion to English RenaissanceLiterature and Culture , ed. Michael Hattaway (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 58–70.
123 Patrick Collinson, ‘John Foxe as Historian’, TAMO Essays (accessed 6 February 2015).
124 Adam Fox, Oral and Literate Culture in England, 1500–1700 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 212–258; Daniel Woolf, The Social Circulation of the Past: English Historical Culture
Zürich, 1547), sigs A2r–4r; Mason, ‘Scotching the Brut’, 68–70.
47 Christopher Highley, ‘ “The lost British lamb”: English Catholic exiles and the problem of Britain’ in David J. Baker and Willy Maley (eds), British Identities and English
RenaissanceLiterature (Cambridge, 2002), 45–8.
48 Somerset, Epistle, sig. C1r.
49 Ibid., sigs B1v, B3v; Cameron, Warrender Papers, 26 (Merriman, Rough Wooings, 275);
CSP Scotland, 177.
50 TA, IX, 110.
51 Lamb, Ane Resonyng, 65, 71–3.
52 Wedderburn, Complaynt, 83–4.
53 Donaldson, All the Queen’s Men, 20–1; Seymour, Epistle
A world of difference: religion, literary form, and the negotiation of conflict in early modern England
Jonathan Baldo and Isabel Karremann
reappraisal of the Catholic past, worlds away
from the Reformation polemic of a Bale or Lambarde. Nostalgia for the visible
remains of Catholicism, and a backward and approving look at the religion which
had produced them, were therefore hard to separate.’ Duffy, The Stripping of the
Altars, p. 43.
18 See S. Cohen (ed.), Shakespeare and Historical Formalism (Aldershot: Ashgate,
2007) and his earlier essay ‘Between Form and Culture: New Historicism and
the Promise of a Historical Formalism’, in M. D. Rasmussen (ed.), RenaissanceLiterature and Its Formal Engagements (New
distinctiveness of common law and English character, Brian Lockley, Law and Empire in English RenaissanceLiterature (Cambridge, 2006), esp. 113–41.
18 David J. Seipp, ‘ Bracton , the Year Books, and the “transformation of elementary legal ideas” in the early common law’, Law and History Review 7 (1989), 175–217, esp. 175.
19 See Susan Reynolds, ‘The emergence of professional law in the long twelfth century’, and the response of Paul Brand , ‘The English difference’, both in Law and History Review 21 (2003), 347
that ‘abandoned [Catholic] symbols or practices do not simply disappear from
the mental landscape’, but can attain a new cultural meaning in secular contexts and in particular in poetry.9 According to Mazzola, ‘Renaissanceliterature
might therefore be approached in terms of a sacred history of lost ideas, and
read in terms of sacred signs which were downplayed or even disowned.’10 Such
arguments are based on a concept of cultural memory that includes repressed
and censored cultural practices. If we understand culture as a palimpsest of
of Time as the prototype for a suitable mode of experiencing and expressing
loss. It is ‘his Time-ruines’ which show to Spenser’s admirers ‘our ruine’ and
makes them truly know their sorrow; at the same time, it provides them with
the words and images to articulate this grief. Weever’s epigram thus in turn
offers us the image of poetry out of ruins as a memorable emblem of Spenser’s
Protestant poetics of commemoration and mourning.
1 P. Schwyzer, Archaeologies of English RenaissanceLiterature (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2007), pp. 73–4.
1 C. A. Patrides, The Grand Design of God: The Literary Form of the Christian View of
History (London: Routledge, 1972), 17.
2 The Discarded Image: An Introduction to Medieval and RenaissanceLiterature
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1964), 174.
Allegorical reading in sermon references to history
Thus, according to this traditional view, all of history should be read in
the context of the Bible, as part of the same God-authored story. “God is
the authour of historie,” says Peter Martyr.3 According to Charity,
To God’s acts, or at
Eve and her unsuspecting garden in seventeenth-century literature
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