Search results

Norman Bonney

MUP FINAL PROOF – <STAGE>, 08/13/2013, SPi 1 Secularisation, religion and the state This chapter introduces a discussion of a fundamental paradox concerning contemporary society and government in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (UK) – that while there is strong evidence of continuing trends towards a more secular and less religious society and pattern of social behaviour, at the same time, religious doctrines, rituals and institutions are central to the legitimacy, stability and continuity of key elements of the constitutional and

in Monarchy, religion and the state
Civil religion in the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia and the Commonwealth
Author: Norman Bonney

This book introduces a discussion of a fundamental paradox concerning contemporary society and government in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (UK). There is strong evidence of continuing trends towards a more secular and less religious society and pattern of social behaviour. At the same time, religious doctrines, rituals and institutions are central to the legitimacy, stability and continuity of key elements of the constitutional and political system. Outlining the thesis of secularization, the book attempts to account for the failure of secularisation theory. The oaths of the accession and of the coronation of the monarch are the central affirmative symbolic acts which legitimate the system of government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (UK) and the place of the monarchy at the apex of the political system. The book explores some remote and dusty corners of the constitution of the UK that might be of some importance for the operation of the UK political system. The 1953 coronation ad many features of the 1937 coronation on which it was modelled. The religious rituals of the UK Parliament appear to be much more fixed and enduring than those devised in the context of devolution since 1999 to resolve tensions between the religious and political spheres in the 'Celtic' regions. A profound limitation of Anglican multifaithism as a doctrine for uniting the political community is its failure to connect with the large secular population.

Claire Mitchell

America, sub-Saharan Africa and Asia.17 All three strains of conservative Protestantism have a long-standing following in Northern Ireland and show no signs of secularising. Thirty-two per cent of the population in Northern Ireland identify as fundamentalist, evangelical or born-again – or as a combination of these.18 There is some evidence that their numbers are growing, although it is probably safer to say that numbers do not seem to be declining.19 There are indications that conservative Protestant Churches are picking up members at the expense of main

in Northern Ireland after the troubles
Abstract only
Nadia Kiwan

difference between secularism or secularisation and laïcité, since whereas secularisation refers to a process whereby society emancipates itself from the notion of the sacred, without necessarily rejecting religion per se, laïcité implies the ‘expulsion’ of religion from the public sphere by the State as a result of specific legislation (Roy 2005: pp. 29–​30). In France, this specific legislation was the 1905 law, which instituted the official separation between the Church(es) and the State.4 Article 1 of the 1905 law states 4 4 Secularism, Islam and public

in Secularism, Islam and public intellectuals in contemporary France
The doctrine of ‘religion’ in Islam and the idea of ‘rights’ in the West
Hisham A. Hellyer

, rights discourse has no stake in supernatural or metaphysical realities, let alone the world to come. It is fundamentally concerned with the here and now. Though believers may hold that there is a connection between their commitment to rights and what happens to them in the afterlife, rights discourse is wholly unconcerned with the hereafter. It is essentially agnostic on such matters, with some adherents basically hostile. Having emerged as part of the secularisation of Western society, it derives its authority from something other than a supernatural or metaphysical

in Religion and rights
Social and cultural modernity beyond the nation-state
Author: Shivdeep Grewal

German philosopher Jürgen Habermas has written extensively on the European Union. This is the only in-depth account of his project. Published now in a second edition to coincide with the celebration of his ninetieth birthday, a new preface considers Habermas’s writings on the eurozone and refugee crises, populism and Brexit, and the presidency of Emmanuel Macron.

Placing an emphasis on the conception of the EU that informs Habermas’s political prescriptions, the book is divided into two main parts. The first considers the unfolding of 'social modernity' at the level of the EU. Among the subjects covered are Habermas's concept of juridification, the latter's affinities with integration theories such as neofunctionalism, and the application of Habermas's democratic theory to the EU. The second part addresses 'cultural modernity' in Europe – 'Europessimism' is argued to be a subset of the broader cultural pessimism that assailed the project of modernity in the late twentieth century, and with renewed intensity in the years since 9/11.

Interdisciplinary in approach, this book engages with European/EU studies, critical theory, political theory, international relations, intellectual history, comparative literature, and philosophy. Concise and clearly written, it will be of interest to students, scholars and professionals with an interest in these disciplines, as well as to a broader readership concerned with the future of Europe

Place, space and discourse
Editors: Christine Agius and Dean Keep

Identity is often regarded as something that is possessed by individuals, states, and other agents. In this edited collection, identity is explored across a range of approaches and under-explored case studies with a view to making visible its fractured, contingent, and dynamic features. The book brings together themes of belonging and exclusion, identity formation and fragmentation. It also examines how identity functions in discourse, and the effects it produces, both materially and in ideational terms. Taking in case studies from Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America, the various chapters interrogate identity through formal governing mechanisms, popular culture and place. These studies demonstrate the complex and fluid nature of identity and identity practices, as well as implications for theorising identity.

Věra Stojarová

The author examines variables which might potentially influence the success of far right political parties: 1) Political (political discontent, convergence/polarization/fragmentation of the party system, PR electoral system, the emergence of Green parties and New Left movements, referendums which cut across old party dividing lines, the creation of a new state, perceived inernal/external threats, the political expression of nationalism, regime change, political culture, elite behavior); 2) Social (dissolution of established identities, middle class discontent, existence of social tension or conflict); 3) Economic (post-industrial economy, rising unemployment, welfare cuts, economic crisis, war, foreign domination, economic transition); 4) Ethno-cultural (fragmentation of the culture, demography and multiculturalization, the impact of globalization, reaction to an influx of racially and culturally distinct populations, popular xenophobia and racism, religion vs. secularisation, one's own ethnicity living outside the borders of the mother state); 5) The international context (state humiliation, desire for higher status).

in The Far Right in the Balkans
Věra Stojarová

The author examines variables which might potentially influence the success of far right political parties: 1) Political (political discontent, convergence/polarization/fragmentation of the party system, PR electoral system, the emergence of Green parties and New Left movements, referendums which cut across old party dividing lines, the creation of a new state, perceived inernal/external threats, the political expression of nationalism, regime change, political culture, elite behavior); 2) Social (dissolution of established identities, middle class discontent, existence of social tension or conflict); 3) Economic (post-industrial economy, rising unemployment, welfare cuts, economic crisis, war, foreign domination, economic transition); 4) Ethno-cultural (fragmentation of the culture, demography and multiculturalization, the impact of globalization, reaction to an influx of racially and culturally distinct populations, popular xenophobia and racism, religion vs. secularisation, one's own ethnicity living outside the borders of the mother state); 5) The international context (state humiliation, desire for higher status).

in The Far Right in the Balkans
Pamela Sue Anderson

world of the Enlightenment’.1 Second, this critique undermines Christianity’s relation to a ‘politics of rights’ that, according to Hauerwas, distorted twentieth-century theology with its focus on universal claims for individuals. Third, Hauerwas’s Christianity assumes that faith-community is destroyed by the autonomy of individuals that he finds in the secularising of liberal theology. But, in his terms, the ‘events’ of ‘Babel’ and ‘Pentecost’ reveal a theological remedy for the sin of autonomous individualism: the ‘bodily’ nature of ‘a community of communication’ is

in Religion and rights