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The Manchester and Salford Methodist Mission, 1910–60
Angela Connelly

inevitable sin and vice predicated on materialism and self-interest. Certainly, many scholars consider secularisation to be rooted in the nineteenth century, therefore implying that religion and its moral teachings were incompatible with the modern city.3 This essay will add to a growing body of literature that demonstrates this to be too simplistic a view.4 It concerns the Manchester and Salford Methodist Mission (MSM) with a focus on one of their buildings: the Albert Hall and Aston Institute (1910).5 Initiated by the Wesleyan Methodists, the MSM was part of a wider

in Culture in Manchester
The place of religion
Karin Fischer

in the past ten to fifteen years have examined the contemporary transformations of Irish society from various angles, and several authors have focused on their impact on perceptions of collective identity, notably on the place of religion in these new perceptions.1 Some writers have developed or questioned the notion of a ‘post-Christian’ Ireland.2 Among the more striking social phenomena, we can include the process of relative secularisation that has taken place since the 1960s, along with a wider socio-cultural and religious diversification that was accelerated

in Schools and the politics of religion and diversity in the Republic of Ireland
Negotiating religious selfhoods in post-1945 England
Barry Hazley

myth in shaping understandings of migrant selfhood. While contemporary observers lamented how Irish migrants were ‘falling away from the Church’, the testimonies of Sean and Aileen complicate any simple equation between settlement and secularisation. Not only did Sean and Aileen depart an Ireland where the Catholic Church exercised a powerful cultural hegemony; puritanical Christian values were also central to the definition of public morality within English culture until the late 1950s, despite the alarmist rhetoric of Irish prelates. Within this context, the

in Life history and the Irish migrant experience in post-war England
Joe Cleary

some post-​Devotional Revolution Catholicism now emerging might also differ significantly to these earlier manifestations. Or are the kinds of changes now under way involved best captured by the term ‘secularisation’, and, if so, does this mean that Ireland is now belatedly undergoing processes largely in step with those that have taken place earlier in the UK and Western Europe? Or is it more accurate to say that Ireland is not so much being ‘secularised’ as undergoing a longer-​term transition from Christianity towards some new, more indeterminate but socially

in Tracing the cultural legacy of Irish Catholicism
Bryan Fanning

enforced public morality offered the only potential bulwark against the acceleration of secularisation. The state, he argued, had a duty to Ireland’s Catholic majority to enforce Catholic public morality. The Catholic ideal, he insisted, in his book Studies in Political Morality (1962) was for an established Church. It should never surrender this ideal in theoretical discussions on Church–state relations. More generally it should never surrender the primacy of theology to political theory. He faulted progressive American theologians for having done so. The demands of the

in Are the Irish different?
Bryan Fanning

morality offered the only potential bulwark against the acceleration of secularisation. The state, he argued, had a duty to Ireland’s Catholic majority to enforce Catholic public morality. The Catholic ideal, he insisted in his book Studies in Political Morality (1962), was for an established Church. It should never surrender this ideal in theoretical discussions on Church–state relations. More generally it should never surrender the primacy of theology to political theory. He faulted progressive American theologians for having done so. The demands of the Church of

in Irish adventures in nation-building
Charlotte Wildman

Greene, Ronald Knox and Edith Sitwell all became Roman Catholics and T. S. Eliot and C. S. Lewis became Anglo-Catholics. Although the spiritual experience and religious identity of these Catholic converts has attracted scholarly attention,2 historians of twentieth-century Britain, including those writing about the Irish diaspora,3 have largely neglected the role of popular or working-class Catholicism except in relation to sectarianism.4 However, recent debates regarding secularisation, led by Callum Brown’s work that argues Britain did not become a secular country

in Women and Irish diaspora identities
Abstract only
Ireland’s referendum and the journey from Gemeinschaft to Gesellschaft
Eugene O’Brien

hierarchy, and this is especially true in terms of matters pertaining to sexual morality. In the 1980s and 1990s, rancorous debates were held around issues of contraception, abortion and divorce as a gradual process of secularisation challenged the older dispensation’s view on these matters. As the Irish people became more educated (ironically often due to the good work of religious teaching orders of nuns and brothers), and as the access to a broader range of media outlets through satellite channels, broadband and the Internet became more prevalent, a plurality of

in Tracing the cultural legacy of Irish Catholicism
Ireland’s constitutional politics of school choice
Eoin Daly

the role of private patron bodies. Crucially, the framing of religious belief as an exercise of educational consumerism – rather than as a constitutive identity – somewhat supplants the familiar normative concepts of toleration and recognition which are addressed in this book. Alternatively, a more segmented, plural form of recognition has been framed in quasi-utilitarian or consumer terms. In this contribution, I 56 Eoin Daly trace the development of this secularised, choice-oriented understanding of the patronage model in constitutional discourse. In particular

in Tolerance and diversity in Ireland, North and South
Karin Fischer

the Irish Constitution. In his comparative study of the 1922 and 1937 Constitutions, Paul Brennan analysed what he called the process of ‘de-secularisation’ of the Irish State.47 The 1937 Constitution discarded the idea of a secular state that had been present in the 1922 Constitution. Apart from the mention of the ultimate authority of God in its preamble (that resulted from a compromise between different versions presented to the provisional government of Michael Collins and that did tend to weaken the internal coherence of the project), the 1922 Constitution was

in Schools and the politics of religion and diversity in the Republic of Ireland