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Open Access (free)
Kjell M. Torbiörn

.) New life had been blown into the organisation, at least for a time. Secondly, ‘September 11’ caused Russia to move much closer to NATO and the US – culminating in 2002 with its relatively collected acceptance of the US abrogation of the 1972 ABM Treaty; the conclusion the same year of the Treaty of Moscow with the US reducing strategic nuclear missiles; and the creation of a NATO–Russia Council, also in 2002, by which Russia moved much closer to NATO. Russia in return expected help from the US and NATO in countering terrorist attacks and Muslim MUP_Torbion_10_Ch10

in Destination Europe
Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

Nuclear themes in American culture, 1945 to the present
Paul Boyer

Russia, the United States will still possess six thousand nuclear warheads in 2012, twenty­two hundred of them fully armed – a total that would have horrified the atomic scientists of 1945. The George W. Bush administration, meanwhile, sought funds for ‘robust nuclear earth penetrators’, also known as ‘bunker busters.’ If the ultimate nightmare of global thermonuclear war had faded, v 75 v Paul Boyer nuclear proliferation remained a grave danger. Even as Americans grappled with post-September 11 fears of terrorists acquiring nuclear weapons or know­how, concerns about

in Understanding the imaginary war
Abstract only
Rachel Foxley

Conclusion . T he Levellers, by 1649, were a force worth defeating. The defeat of the army mutineers was one branch of the new regime’s suppression of radical dissent in the spring of 1649. The arrest of the Leveller leaders Lilburne, Walwyn, Overton, and Prince was another. It was Lilburne who had launched the attack on the new regime in the first part of Englands New Chains Discovered, but this challenge to the new regime was issued in the name of ‘a part of the People’, who were ‘the Presenters, Promoters, and Approvers of the Large Petition of September 11

in The Levellers
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Anandi Ramamurthy

and have-nots has been renamed as support for terrorism in the mass media. At the end of 2001 following the events of September 11 and the American bombing of Afghanistan, fashion stores such as Next, FCUK and Adams produced clothing and advertising featuring the American flag and its colours fostering support for the system which nurtures and feeds them – imperialism. The social, cultural and political

in Imperial persuaders
James E. Connolly

Delannoy was sentenced to five years’ forced labour for possessing a revolver and munitions; German poster, Roubaix, 9 June 1915: Henry Hespel was sentenced to three years’ imprisonment for possessing weapons. 29 AMT, H4A32, Directeur de la Compagnie des Tramways de Roubaix & de Tourcoing to Mayor of Tourcoing, 3 September, 11 October, 10 November and 7 December 1915. 30 ADN, 9R245, Préfet to Kommandantur of Lille, 29 October 1917. 31 See, for example, Paul Trochon, La Grande Guerre (1914–​1918): Lille avant et pendant l’occupation allemande (Tourcoing: J. Duvivier

in The experience of occupation in the Nord, 1914– 18
Open Access (free)
The failure of history
Neil Macmaster

excellent and balanced over-views see John L. Esposito, The Islamic Threat. Myth or Reality? (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995 edn); Fred Halliday, Islam and the Myth of Confrontation. Religion and Politics in the Middle East (London: I. B. Tauris, 1995), and Halliday, Two Hours that Shook the World. September 11, 2001: Causes and Consequences (London: Saqi Books, 2002). 2 Courrière, La Guerre d’Algérie, Vol. 2, 135. 3 On the origins of this Islamophobic current in contemporary France see Neil MacMaster, ‘Islamophobia in France and the “Algerian Problem”’, in Emran

in Burning the veil
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War without limits
Adam Page

Center’, p. 30. 24 Graham, Cities Under Siege, p. xxi. 25 Ibid., pp. xvi–xvii. 26 Ibid., p. 73. 27 Gregory, ‘The Everywhere War’, p. 239. 28 For a case study of the fortification of London since the 1990s, see Jon Coaffee, ‘Rings of Steel, Rings of Concrete and Rings of Confidence: Designing out Terrorism in Central London pre and post September 11th’, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 28:1 (2004), pp. 201–211. 29 Thompson, Zero Option, p. 23. 30 Orwell, ‘You and the Atom Bomb’. 31 Josephine Herbst, quoted in Piette, Literary Cold War, p. 212.

in Architectures of survival
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The General Strike as social drama
Rachelle Hope Saltzman

party 42 3 4 5 6 7 8 � A lark for the sake of their country � at once sought affiliation with the Labour party, and received the first of many refusals in a letter from Arthur Henderson on September 11, 1920’ (Mowat, 1971: 20; see also Cole, 1948: 96, 102–3, 112–13). In 1924, The Labour Party Conference decisively rejected affiliation with the CPGB (Klugman, 1980: 51). Bagwell, Jeffery, and Hennessy have argued that railway and transport strikes were more easily averted because so many volunteers were eager to drive trains, buses, and lorries; such volunteers

in A lark for the sake of their country
Philip M. Taylor

international terrorism. However, in the two decades prior to the September 11th, 2001 terrorist attacks on New York and Washington, this appeared to be only an episodic or random problem. It had framed the western media coverage of the 1979 Iranian revolution, the American bombing of Libya in 1986, Lebanon throughout the 1980s, and the downing of Pan Am 107 over Lockerbie in 1988. These parameters had made the ‘accidental’ shooting down of an Iranian passenger plane by the USS Vincennes less of an atrocity than the ‘deliberate’ Soviet interception of Korean Air Lines flight

in Munitions of the Mind