New life had been blown into the organisation, at least for a time.
Secondly, ‘September11’ caused Russia to move much closer to NATO
and the US – culminating in 2002 with its relatively collected acceptance
of the US abrogation of the 1972 ABM Treaty; the conclusion the same
year of the Treaty of Moscow with the US reducing strategic nuclear
missiles; and the creation of a NATO–Russia Council, also in 2002, by
which Russia moved much closer to NATO. Russia in return expected
help from the US and NATO in countering terrorist attacks and Muslim
In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
Nuclear themes in American culture, 1945 to the present
Russia, the United States will
still possess six thousand nuclear warheads in 2012, twentytwo hundred
of them fully armed – a total that would have horrified the atomic scientists of 1945. The George W. Bush administration, meanwhile, sought
funds for ‘robust nuclear earth penetrators’, also known as ‘bunker busters.’ If the ultimate nightmare of global thermonuclear war had faded,
v 75 v
nuclear proliferation remained a grave danger. Even as Americans grappled with post-September11 fears of terrorists acquiring nuclear weapons or knowhow, concerns about
he Levellers, by 1649, were a force worth defeating. The defeat of the army
mutineers was one branch of the new regime’s suppression of radical
dissent in the spring of 1649. The arrest of the Leveller leaders Lilburne,
Walwyn, Overton, and Prince was another. It was Lilburne who had launched
the attack on the new regime in the first part of Englands New Chains Discovered, but this challenge to the new regime was issued in the name of ‘a part
of the People’, who were ‘the Presenters, Promoters, and Approvers of the Large
Petition of September11
and have-nots has been renamed as support for
terrorism in the mass media. At the end of 2001 following the events of
September11 and the American bombing of Afghanistan, fashion stores
such as Next, FCUK and Adams produced clothing and advertising featuring
the American flag and its colours fostering support for the system which
nurtures and feeds them – imperialism.
The social, cultural and political
Delannoy was sentenced to five years’ forced
labour for possessing a revolver and munitions; German poster, Roubaix,
9 June 1915: Henry Hespel was sentenced to three years’ imprisonment for
29 AMT, H4A32, Directeur de la Compagnie des Tramways de Roubaix & de
Tourcoing to Mayor of Tourcoing, 3 September, 11 October, 10 November
and 7 December 1915.
30 ADN, 9R245, Préfet to Kommandantur of Lille, 29 October 1917.
31 See, for example, Paul Trochon, La Grande Guerre (1914–1918): Lille avant
et pendant l’occupation allemande (Tourcoing: J. Duvivier
excellent and balanced over-views see John L.
Esposito, The Islamic Threat. Myth or Reality? (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 1995 edn); Fred Halliday, Islam and the Myth of Confrontation.
Religion and Politics in the Middle East (London: I. B. Tauris, 1995), and
Halliday, Two Hours that Shook the World. September11, 2001: Causes
and Consequences (London: Saqi Books, 2002).
2 Courrière, La Guerre d’Algérie, Vol. 2, 135.
3 On the origins of this Islamophobic current in contemporary France see
Neil MacMaster, ‘Islamophobia in France and the “Algerian Problem”’,
Center’, p. 30.
24 Graham, Cities Under Siege, p. xxi.
25 Ibid., pp. xvi–xvii.
26 Ibid., p. 73.
27 Gregory, ‘The Everywhere War’, p. 239.
28 For a case study of the fortification of London since the 1990s, see Jon
Coaffee, ‘Rings of Steel, Rings of Concrete and Rings of Confidence:
Designing out Terrorism in Central London pre and post September11th’,
International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 28:1 (2004), pp.
29 Thompson, Zero Option, p. 23.
30 Orwell, ‘You and the Atom Bomb’.
31 Josephine Herbst, quoted in Piette, Literary Cold War, p. 212.
� A lark for the sake of their country �
at once sought affiliation with the Labour party, and received the first of many
refusals in a letter from Arthur Henderson on September11, 1920’ (Mowat, 1971:
20; see also Cole, 1948: 96, 102–3, 112–13). In 1924, The Labour Party Conference
decisively rejected affiliation with the CPGB (Klugman, 1980: 51).
Bagwell, Jeffery, and Hennessy have argued that railway and transport strikes were
more easily averted because so many volunteers were eager to drive trains, buses,
and lorries; such volunteers
international terrorism. However, in the two decades prior to the
September11th, 2001 terrorist attacks on New York and Washington, this appeared to be only an episodic or random problem. It
had framed the western media coverage of the 1979 Iranian
revolution, the American bombing of Libya in 1986, Lebanon
throughout the 1980s, and the downing of Pan Am 107 over
Lockerbie in 1988. These parameters had made the ‘accidental’
shooting down of an Iranian passenger plane by the USS Vincennes
less of an atrocity than the ‘deliberate’ Soviet interception of
Korean Air Lines flight