member-state cooperation on foreign policy matters, European Political Cooperation (EPC), the
chapter also considers the relationship between the terrorism discourse and
EC/EU external security policy.
The second half of the chapter explores the (re)emergence of the EU’s
‘fight against terrorism’ discourse following the events of 11 September
2001 and its subsequent evolution across three periods: the post-September11 period, the post-Madrid period and the post-Breivik period. The purpose for this is threefold. First, to identify the ‘key texts’ that ‘are frequently
This substantially updated and revised edition offers a comprehensive overview of the challenges confronting the political system as well as the international politics of the European Union. It draws from a spectrum of regional integration theories to determine what the Union actually is and how it is developing, examining the constitutional politics of the European Union, from the Single European Act to the Treaty of Nice and beyond. The ongoing debate on the future of Europe links together the questions of democracy and legitimacy, competences and rights, and the prospects for European polity-building. The aim is to contribute to a better understanding of the emerging European polity and the questions that further treaty reform generates for the future of the regional system. The authors also assess the evolving European security architecture; the limits and possibilities of a genuine European foreign, security and defence policy; and the role of the EU in the post-Cold War international system. Common themes involve debates about stability and instability, continuity and change, multipolarity and leadership, co-operation and discord, power capabilities and patterns of behaviour. The book traces the defining features of the ‘new order’ in Europe and incorporates an analysis of the post-September 11th context.
This book is about the language of the European Union’s response to the threat of terrorism: the ‘fight against terrorism’. Since its re-emergence in the wake of the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, the ‘fight against terrorism’ has come to represent a priority area of action for the European Union (EU). Drawing on interpretive approaches to International Relations, the author outlines a discourse theory of identity and counter-terrorism policy in order to explore the ways in which the EU’s counter-terrorism discourse has been constructed and the ways in which it functions. Importantly, the author shows how the ‘fight against terrorism’ structures the EU response to terrorism through the prism of identity, drawing our attention to the various ‘others’ that have come to form the target of EU counter-terrorism policy. Through an extensive analysis of the wider societal impact of the EU’s ‘fight against terrorism’ discourse, the author reveals the various ways in which EU counter-terrorism policy is contributing to the ‘securitisation’ of social and political life within Europe.
Identity is often regarded as something that is possessed by individuals, states, and other agents. In this edited collection, identity is explored across a range of approaches and under-explored case studies with a view to making visible its fractured, contingent, and dynamic features. The book brings together themes of belonging and exclusion, identity formation and fragmentation. It also examines how identity functions in discourse, and the effects it produces, both materially and in ideational terms. Taking in case studies from Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America, the various chapters interrogate identity through formal governing mechanisms, popular culture and place. These studies demonstrate the complex and fluid nature of identity and identity practices, as well as implications for theorising identity.
A ‘new’ and ‘evolving’ threat to the European Union
posed by terrorism in the post-September11 era.
Second, to demonstrate the role that each strand of the discourse plays in the
discursive construction of the radically threatening figure of the ‘terrorist’
other. Third, to highlight the way in which the identity of the EU is constituted in opposition to and through differentiation from the terrorist ‘other’.
Fourth, to show how, when invoked together, the various strands of the discourse takes on a performative quality in that they help to shape the type
of policy that the EU conducts in response to the perceived
The language of the European Union’s ‘fight against terrorism’
what type of threat they represent
in the post-September11 era. Similarly, the ‘fight against terrorism’ and the
‘war on terror’ are comparable in that they are both influential political discourses that have been invoked by politicians and policy-makers to justify
and legitimise not only practices of counter-terrorism but also their own
political authority in the field of security.
The second point involves the discursive construction of the terrorism
threat and the significant role that ‘imagination’, ‘anticipation’ and ‘precaution’ plays in this. It will be
The ‘fight against terrorism’ discourse and the EU’s emerging role as a holistic security actor
policy, to consider also the internal projection of what
I have termed ‘EU identity’ through the formulation of its counter-terrorism
and internal security policies.
I have argued that the ‘fight against terrorism’ discourse is based upon –
and contributes to – the rearticulation of an ‘accepted knowledge’ about
what terrorism is, who the terrorists are and what type of threat they represent, in the post-September11 era, helping to strengthen a ‘conventional
wisdom’ on how best to respond to that threat. In particular, I have sought
to demonstrate how the discourse
terrorists. Some of the
groups known to have used terrorism before and after September11, 2001,
are also engaging in forms of wider-scale warfare, including insurgency. This
is not to suggest that the same groups have abandoned terrorism; instead,
terrorism is a tactic they may continue to use in the context of insurgency.
The threat posed by insurgent groups in the twenty-first century is not
limited to terrorism employed outside of war. These terrorists and now insurgents are engaging in wider-scale warfare. They seek to replace some prevailing order. In the process
Preventing ‘radicalisation’, ‘violent extremism’ and ‘terrorism’
understanding on the basis of the relevant
United Nations resolutions’.6 At this early stage there was a tacit acceptance
that, whilst it was important not to link terrorism to Islam or the ‘Arab and
Muslim world’, the context within which the September11 terrorist attacks
had occurred would require some sort of resolution to the Arab–Israeli conflict if the EU were to be successful in reducing the threat from terrorism.
In the initial post-September11 phase of the formulation of EU
counter-terrorism policy, it was the Europol Terrorism Situation and Trend
ideology be abandoned so readily? Could not
our time – more so than perhaps previous times – be characterised as the ‘age of
ideologies’? We seem to be beset today by a proliferation of all sorts of neoconservative and religious fundamentalist ideologies that have uncannily
returned from the past, particularly in the wake of September11. The ‘end of
ideologies’ and the triumph of liberal democracy, which was so loudly trumpeted by Fukuyama and others, now seems an almost laughable proposition. We
live in a strange new ideological universe, in which God has made a