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Emmanuelle Strub

1,700 national employees. At headquarters they had fourteen desk managers to oversee the sixty-five projects. In addition, I was unclear about my role. I had practically no support, though the scope of my job was enormous, from strengthening the overall security framework to providing operational support at one of multiple field projects. What was expected of me? Technical support? Context analysis? Alerts? Operational, strategic and decision-making advice? Or simply reviewing the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Abstract only
Tom Gallagher

triple gallows on an open-top van, with a sign reading ‘Troika’ – in reference to the austerity inspectors from the European Union, the IMF and the European Central Bank. An officer from each of the services – police, coast guard and firefighters – then stood with his head in a noose. 6 This book explores why the boldest initiative in the sixty-year quest to achieve a borderless Europe has exploded in the face of the EU. A close examination of each stage of the EU financial emergency offers evidence that the European values that are supposed to provide solidarity

in Europe’s path to crisis
Disintegration via monetary union
Author: Tom Gallagher

Cooperation and trust were increasingly scarce commodities in the inner councils of the EU. This book explores why the boldest initiative in the sixty-year quest to achieve a borderless Europe has exploded in the face of the EU. A close examination of each stage of the EU financial emergency that offers evidence that the European values that are supposed to provide solidarity within the twenty eight-member EU in good times and bad are flimsy and thinly distributed. The book aims to show that it is possible to view the difficulties of the EU as rooted in much longer-term decision-making. It begins with an exploration of the long-term preparations that were made to create a single currency encompassing a large part of the European Union. The book then examines the different ways in which the European Union seized the initiative from the European nation-state, from the formation of the Coal and Steel Community to the Maastricht Treaty. It focuses on the role of France and Germany in the EU. Difficulties that have arisen for the EU as it has tried to foster a new European consciousness are discussed next. The increasingly strained relationship between the EU and the democratic process is also examined. The book discusses the evolution of the crisis in the eurozone and the shortcomings which have impeded the EU from bringing it under control. It ends with a portrait of a European Union in 2013 wracked by mutual suspicions.

Prisoners of the past
Author: Richard Jobson

This book examines the impact that nostalgia has had on the Labour Party’s political development since 1951. In contrast to existing studies that have emphasised the role played by modernity, it argues that nostalgia has defined Labour’s identity and determined the party’s trajectory over time. It outlines how Labour, at both an elite and a grassroots level, has been and remains heavily influenced by a nostalgic commitment to an era of heroic male industrial working-class struggle. This commitment has hindered policy discussion, determined the form that the modernisation process has taken and shaped internal conflict and cohesion. More broadly, Labour’s emotional attachment to the past has made it difficult for the party to adjust to the socioeconomic changes that have taken place in Britain. In short, nostalgia has frequently left the party out of touch with the modern world. In this way, this book offers an assessment of Labour’s failures to adapt to the changing nature and demands of post-war Britain.

Open Access (free)
Environmental justice and citizen science in a post-truth age
Editors: Thom Davies and Alice Mah

This book examines the relationship between environmental justice and citizen science, focusing on enduring issues and new challenges in a post-truth age. Debates over science, facts, and values have always been pivotal within environmental justice struggles. For decades, environmental justice activists have campaigned against the misuses of science, while at the same time engaging in community-led citizen science. However, post-truth politics has threatened science itself. This book makes the case for the importance of science, knowledge, and data that are produced by and for ordinary people living with environmental risks and hazards. The international, interdisciplinary contributions range from grassroots environmental justice struggles in American hog country and contaminated indigenous communities, to local environmental controversies in Spain and China, to questions about “knowledge justice,” citizenship, participation, and data in citizen science surrounding toxicity. The book features inspiring studies of community-based participatory environmental health and justice research; different ways of sensing, witnessing, and interpreting environmental injustice; political strategies for seeking environmental justice; and ways of expanding the concepts and forms of engagement of citizen science around the world. While the book will be of critical interest to specialists in social and environmental sciences, it will also be accessible to graduate and postgraduate audiences. More broadly, the book will appeal to members of the public interested in social justice issues, as well as community members who are thinking about participating in citizen science and activism. Toxic Truths includes distinguished contributing authors in the field of environmental justice, alongside cutting-edge research from emerging scholars and community activists.

The rise of the Troops Out Movement
Aly Renwick

‘decade of revolution’ as the Sixties was sometimes called. In 1965, a year before my trip to Thailand with the British Army, four members of the Labour Party in London, all of Irish descent,2 joined DAWSON 9780719096310 PRINT (v2).indd 112 14/10/2016 12:19 The rise of the Troops Out Movement 113 forces with Paul Rose, a young Labour MP, to form the Campaign for Democracy in Ulster (CDU; see Hopkins, chapter 4 in this volume). The organisation worked to support the emergent civil rights movement in Northern Ireland and adopted three basic aims: To secure by the

in The Northern Ireland Troubles in Britain
Abstract only
Celia Hughes

continuing to define their contemporaries.1 Social historians emphasise the importance of attending to the everyday experiences and perceptions of ‘ordinary’ people, whose lives offer the most potential for measuring real change over time. Nowhere is this more the case than with histories of the sixties. The period remains a contested historical landscape, and yet studies of post-1945 society 9780719091940_4_000.indd 1 11/12/14 2:28 PM 2 Young lives on the Left remain in their infancy. In recent years historians have begun to challenge what Frank Mort has termed ‘the

in Young lives on the Left
Anna Killick

is significant that seventeen of the sixty are from occupational groups D and E, reflecting their proportion of the local population but also a marginalised group. Forty-eight per cent of the sixty participants are women. On national backgrounds, two Polish people agreed to take part and, where relevant, I refer to this when presenting their beliefs. Seven participants were from black and ethnic minority backgrounds. On age, particularly because of the involvement of eight eighteen-year-olds, the eventual spread was a reasonable one. There is not such a balance

in Rigged
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The investigation and trial of the Angry Brigade, 1967–72
J.D. Taylor

combative trade union militancy, new social movements and community activism that would define the energies and victories of the British left over the decade. It is remarkable then that, over four decades on, historians of the left and of the era more broadly refuse to take them seriously, if at all. Marwick gives them one dismissive mention in his vast The Sixties, and they have no mention in the major social histories of this time by Beckett, Black, Clarke, Morgan, Porter, or White.2 Where discussion occurs, they become transformed into either a romantic or oddball

in Waiting for the revolution
Open Access (free)
Steven Fielding

state education so that it would equal that provided by the private sector.39 Few thought this credible: Stewart and Cole calculated the former would need at least four decades to catch up with the latter.40 As part of the attempt to foster reconciliation within the party, Signposts for the Sixties embraced a radical approach to private education: it fielding ch 4.P65 91 10/10/03, 12:33 92 Fielding committed Labour to establishing an educational trust that would determine how to integrate private schools into the state system.41 As Bacon characterised it, Labour

in The Labour Governments 1964–70 volume 1