triple gallows on an open-top van, with a sign reading ‘Troika’ – in reference to the austerity inspectors from the European Union, the IMF and the European Central Bank. An officer from each of the services – police, coast guard and firefighters – then stood with his head in a noose. 6
This book explores why the boldest initiative in thesixty-year quest to achieve a borderless Europe has exploded in the face of the EU. A close examination of each stage of the EU financial emergency offers evidence that the European values that are supposed to provide solidarity
Cooperation and trust were increasingly scarce commodities in the inner councils
of the EU. This book explores why the boldest initiative in the sixty-year quest
to achieve a borderless Europe has exploded in the face of the EU. A close
examination of each stage of the EU financial emergency that offers evidence
that the European values that are supposed to provide solidarity within the
twenty eight-member EU in good times and bad are flimsy and thinly distributed.
The book aims to show that it is possible to view the difficulties of the EU as
rooted in much longer-term decision-making. It begins with an exploration of the
long-term preparations that were made to create a single currency encompassing a
large part of the European Union. The book then examines the different ways in
which the European Union seized the initiative from the European nation-state,
from the formation of the Coal and Steel Community to the Maastricht Treaty. It
focuses on the role of France and Germany in the EU. Difficulties that have
arisen for the EU as it has tried to foster a new European consciousness are
discussed next. The increasingly strained relationship between the EU and the
democratic process is also examined. The book discusses the evolution of the
crisis in the eurozone and the shortcomings which have impeded the EU from
bringing it under control. It ends with a portrait of a European Union in 2013
wracked by mutual suspicions.
), pp. 247–62. Cf. Murray Pittock’s more positive interpretation of the Jacobites’ impact on the Scottish national cause: Invention of Scotland , pp. 40, 59–60, 82, 84, 117–19, 135–9, 153.
6 Murray Pittock, The Road to Independence? Scotland Since theSixties (London, 2008), passim .
7 Edward Corp, ‘The Stuarts and the Court of France’, Corp et al., A Court in Exile , pp. 158–80. Cf. Edward Gregg, ‘France, Rome and the Exiled Stuarts, 1689–1713’, in Corp et al., A Court in Exile , pp. 11–75.
8 Black, Eighteenth Century Europe , p. 280
’ (1951) 28 BYBIL 1 at 223–5; I. Sinclair, The Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (Manchester University Press 2nd edn 1994) 136–8. See further the work of the ILC on subsequent agreements and practice in Report of the Work of theSixty-Seventh Session, UN Doc A/70/10 (2015) Chapter VIII.
89 J.E. Alvarez, ‘Constitutional Interpretation in International Organizations’ in J.M. Coicaud and V. Heiskanen (eds), The Legitimacy of International Organizations (UN University Press 2001) 104 at 136.
90 Pollux, ‘The Interpretation of the Charter’ (1946) 23
6 ILC Report of the Work of theSixty-Third Session, UN Doc A/66/10 (2011) 99.
7 Ibid. 101.
8 Case Concerning Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (2007) ICJ Rep 43 at para. 430.
9 N.D. White, ‘Peacekeeping, Private Security and International Human Rights Law’ (2014) 16 ICLR 443. See further M. Sossai, ‘The Privatization of the Core Business of UN Peacekeeping Operations: Any Legal Limit?’ (2014) 16 ICLR 405.
10 UN Doc S/RES/827 (1993)
11 (1949) ICJ Rep 177. See Case Study 7: The
recalled that for him ‘a product of suburbia, elite schooling, and conservative parents, thesixties represented a bracing challenge to the assumptions and mores that had shaped my parochial world’. The Civil Rights Movement ‘was the crucible in which I came of age politically’. 1
In many instances these new scholars were not just witnesses to the historic events of the 1950s and 1960s but in their own way made modest but useful contributions to them. ‘I was not a full-time activist in the South’, Nelson noted, but in common with ‘many young people of my generation, I
: ‘Whores, quasi-whores, jilted mistresses, emotional cripples, drunks. Daffy ingenues, Lolitas, kooks, sexstarved spinsters, psychotics. Icebergs, zombies, and ballbreakers. That’s what little girls of thesixties and seventies are made of’ ( 1987 : 327–8).
Theories of the spectatrix
In 1989, a special issue of the radical film journal Camera Obscura appeared under the title of ‘The Spectatrix’. This new verbal coinage indicates how feminist film critics, going beyond the primary interest that Haskell, Mellen and Rosen had taken in on-screen images of
-candidate at the next Bundestag election.
Usually the position of Fraktion leader is held for a considerable time, which provides the office-holders with exceptional influence and authority in the party and in the Bundestag. Since Adenauer became chancellor in 1949 there were only ten CDU-CSU Fraktion leaders, in thesixty-five years up to 2014, for example. The Greens have always had joint holders of this position: three co-leaders until 1990 (when the West German Greens lost their Bundestag representation) and two (one female, one male) since 1994. Famous politicians
system, so Brian had a seven-week crash course on how to operate the shuttle looms with senior weaver Jack Thompson. ‘When Jack said you were okay’, Brian explained, ‘you were put to work.’ Jack divided up the orders among thesixty weavers, each of whom operated two looms. Brian remembered the great variety of fabrics. 135 The fancy cloths included blended tweeds that went into coats for C&A Modes, double cloths for ladies’ and children’s coats, and tartans for skirts. Plainer staple fabrics included khaki for the army and steel grey flannel for men’s trousers
the Iraqi forces by 250 to 83 votes. The Senate
agreed by 52 to 40 votes.
In 1999 (seemingly in direct contravention of the War
Powers Act’s provisions) President Bill Clinton continued the US
bombing of Serbia for more than two weeks after thesixty-day deadline
specified in the Act as part of efforts to force Serbian withdrawal from
Kosovo. The Clinton White House argued that because Congress had
authorised funding for military action, this in effect constituted
authorisation for the use of force