Search results

You are looking at 1 - 10 of 14 items for :

  • "The sixties" x
  • Manchester History of Medicine x
Clear All
Coping with crises
Ida Milne

the War. 13 The sixty-​eighth annual report (with appendices) of the Inspectors of Lunatics, for the year ending 31 December 1918 (1920), xxi, cmd 579. 14 The sixty-​ninth annual report (with appendices) of the Inspectors of Lunatics (Ireland) for the year ending 31 December 1919 (1921), xv, cmd 1127. 15 The sixty-​ eighth annual report (with appendices) of the Inspectors of Lunatics. 16 Forty-​first report of the General Prisons Board, Ireland, 1918–​1919 (1920), xxiii, cmd 687. 17 Forty-​second report of the General Prisons Board, Ireland, 1919

in Stacking the coffins
Carol Helmstadter

unable to repair their severely damaged embrasures. For example, in the Malakhov only eight of the sixty-three cannons and mortars were in working order on the morning of 27 August/8 September. Although their guns were barely able to reply because their reserves of gunpowder and projectiles were so low, the Russians put up a tremendous fight. The allies made twelve different attacks on the batteries and bastions, and again and again the Russians repulsed them. Only the French attack on the Malakhov was successful. Having repulsed eleven out of the twelve assaults, the

in Beyond Nightingale
Ian Atherton

(only two of them labelled as ‘souldier’), on 5 February.47 Some of these problems are illustrated by the first battle of Newbury, fought on 20 September 1643. The parish registers for Enborne, whose constables were ordered by Essex to bury the dead, do not survive before 1665. While those for Newbury are extant, there are no entries between 12 August and 1 October, leaving no signs of either the sixty cart-loads of dead and wounded reportedly carried into the town or the king’s order to the mayor to organise burial. The Newbury churchwardens’ accounts, meanwhile

in Battle-scarred
Pamela Dale

length of service: of the sixty-three men, fourteen had less than one year’s service but twenty-seven had more than five. The fifty-nine women were less experienced, twenty having less than a year of service and only twelve more than five.35 There was lingering uncertainty, at least until the NHS era, about how staff should be trained and which qualifications were most desirable when recruiting externally. Although the appointment process gave increasing weight to formal qualifications, Mayer was not impressed by candidates who offered theoretical knowledge rather 158

in Mental health nursing
Nursing the victims of gas poisoning in the First World War
Christine E. Hallett

hospital well behind the front lines. In fact, patients with gas-damaged eyes experienced intense anxiety, and emotional care was an important feature of the nurse’s role. Julia Stimson described how one of her nursing staff spoke to her of the gas-poisoned cases in her ward: Of the sixty-four new stretcher cases we got in last night, all have bandaged eyes. They are the worst gassed men I have ever seen. I’ve done nothing but irrigate eyes all the morning. One man discovered that he could see a little 89 Industrial war when I got his lids opened and his eyes washed

in One hundred years of wartime nursing practices, 1854–1953
Debbie Palmer

attendants had received £27 per annum rising to £47 after twenty years but, in 1919, this increased to £58 4s for all male attendants. Female nurses had been paid from £15 to £28 after fifteen years but this rose to £33. Other improvements included a reduction in working hours from eighty to sixty-­three ­hours per week including meal times and the introduction of overtime at a rate of time and a half. For the first time, a contract of employment was introduced for new staff to sign after completing a three-­month probationary period. The contract guaranteed the sixty

in Who cared for the carers?
Abstract only
Lunacy law as colonial inheritance
James E. Moran

responses in New Jersey in both its colonial and post-colonial eras. There were different forms of confinement resorted to by overseers of the poor and local constables, including having an individual ‘locked up and chained if necessary, in some secure place’, or ‘kept in the gaol’ of the county in which the lunatic resided. Moreover, by 1839, a resolution at the sixty-third sitting of the Council and General Assembly authorised New Jersey's governor to ‘appoint one or more competent person or persons to ascertain as accurately as practicable, the number, age, sex and

in Madness on trial
Abstract only
Bankruptcy, insolvency, and medical charity
Alannah Tomkins

,000–1,500 bankruptcies in all.35 These figures pertaining to the 1830s, 1840s, and 1880s provide a starting point for considering medical bankruptcy across the nineteenth century, and imply that it diminished in relative significance in the population as a whole – which grew from around 16 million to around 30 million in the same period – and also declined in terms of all bankrupts in the sixty years from 1829 to 1889. This is in contrast to Digby’s Table 1.1  Bankruptcy in selected professions, 1885–90 Medical men Clerks in holy orders Architects/surveyors Solicitors Total 1885

in Medical misadventure in an age of professionalisation, 1780–1890
Neglect, incompetence, and unintentional killing
Alannah Tomkins

newspapers as repeat offenders), but two ‘medical men’ were actively prosecuted more than once. The Pascoe family of Cornwall suffered prosecutions over two generations, suggesting that between them father and son had longstanding reputations for offering abortion.110 Among the sixty-five men named between 1850 and 1889, twenty-six – or over a third – were listed at some time on the medical Register (either in the years before the charge or, in the case of men prosecuted in the early 1850s, after the first publication of the Register). Of this subset of men accused, seven

in Medical misadventure in an age of professionalisation, 1780–1890
Scurvy and imprisonment
Katherine Foxhall

convict and emigrant ships. In this report, Burnett summarised the results of thirty-nine voyages, but it is also clear that other surgeons, notably the artistic Henry Mahon, submitted other detailed essays and journals. 86 It is important to note that Burnett made it clear that the surgeons were not to try to cause scurvy in order to then cure it; the surgeons were to undertake a trial only ‘if scurvy appeared during the voyage’. On thirty out of the sixty-seven male convict ships that sailed from Britain between 1840 and 1844, the

in Health, medicine, and the sea