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A higher loyalty

This book argues that the current problems over Britain’s membership of the European Union are largely as a result of the absence of quality debates during the 1959–84 period. The situation today is also attributed to members of the political elite subordinating the question of Britain’s future in Europe to short-term, pragmatic, party management or career considerations. A particular and original interpretation of Britain and Europe is advanced, aided by recently discovered evidence. This includes the methods used by the Conservative government to ensure it won the vote following the 1971 parliamentary debate on Britain’s proposed entry into the EEC. It also delves into the motives of the sixty-nine rebel Labour MPs that voted against their own party on EEC membership, and how the British public were largely misled by political leaders in respect of the true aims of the European project. This is a study of a seminal period in Britain’s relationship with Europe. Starting from the British government’s early attempts at EEC membership, and concluding with the year both major political parties accepted Britain’s place in Europe, this book examines decision-making in Britain. As such, it contributes to a greater understanding of British politics. It answers a number of key questions and casts light on the current toxic dilemma on the issue of Europe.

Prisoners of the past
Author: Richard Jobson

This book examines the impact that nostalgia has had on the Labour Party’s political development since 1951. In contrast to existing studies that have emphasised the role played by modernity, it argues that nostalgia has defined Labour’s identity and determined the party’s trajectory over time. It outlines how Labour, at both an elite and a grassroots level, has been and remains heavily influenced by a nostalgic commitment to an era of heroic male industrial working-class struggle. This commitment has hindered policy discussion, determined the form that the modernisation process has taken and shaped internal conflict and cohesion. More broadly, Labour’s emotional attachment to the past has made it difficult for the party to adjust to the socioeconomic changes that have taken place in Britain. In short, nostalgia has frequently left the party out of touch with the modern world. In this way, this book offers an assessment of Labour’s failures to adapt to the changing nature and demands of post-war Britain.

Abstract only
Celia Hughes

continuing to define their contemporaries.1 Social historians emphasise the importance of attending to the everyday experiences and perceptions of ‘ordinary’ people, whose lives offer the most potential for measuring real change over time. Nowhere is this more the case than with histories of the sixties. The period remains a contested historical landscape, and yet studies of post-1945 society 9780719091940_4_000.indd 1 11/12/14 2:28 PM 2 Young lives on the Left remain in their infancy. In recent years historians have begun to challenge what Frank Mort has termed ‘the

in Young lives on the Left
Anna Killick

is significant that seventeen of the sixty are from occupational groups D and E, reflecting their proportion of the local population but also a marginalised group. Forty-eight per cent of the sixty participants are women. On national backgrounds, two Polish people agreed to take part and, where relevant, I refer to this when presenting their beliefs. Seven participants were from black and ethnic minority backgrounds. On age, particularly because of the involvement of eight eighteen-year-olds, the eventual spread was a reasonable one. There is not such a balance

in Rigged
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The investigation and trial of the Angry Brigade, 1967–72
J.D. Taylor

combative trade union militancy, new social movements and community activism that would define the energies and victories of the British left over the decade. It is remarkable then that, over four decades on, historians of the left and of the era more broadly refuse to take them seriously, if at all. Marwick gives them one dismissive mention in his vast The Sixties, and they have no mention in the major social histories of this time by Beckett, Black, Clarke, Morgan, Porter, or White.2 Where discussion occurs, they become transformed into either a romantic or oddball

in Waiting for the revolution
Richard Jobson

The Future of the Party and then Labour in the Sixties, noted that ‘the morale of the Labour Party … is at an all time low’ and that one reason for this was that ‘The debate on Clause IV touched on the most sensitive tenet of Labour’s faith.’143 It suggested that it ‘would be a widely appreciated gesture that might alter the whole tone of the Conference’ if the NEC withdrew Gaitskell’s statement and spent a longer period of time thinking about the issue.144 In other words, the party’s emotional attachment to Clause IV dictated that the issue should be approached

in Nostalgia and the post-war Labour Party
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Robert Lister Nicholls

perfectly understandable given that had Wilson allowed a free vote on the issue, it is reasonable to assume that there would have been far more than the sixty-nine MPs voting with the Conservatives. A week prior to the vote, the Tribune editorial suggested that the Labour pro-Marketeers would have much to answer for should they vote to keep the Heath government in power. The editorial posed the question: Who can forgive those who throw away this chance to drive Edward Heath from power now? Certainly not the vast majority

in The British political elite and Europe, 1959–1984
Debates over cultural conventions in French punk
Jonathyne Briggs

France built upon facsimiles of American rock ’n’ roll, while another critiqued ‘these groups of perverse intellectuals (the Sex Pistols) or fake teenagers (the Ramones) [that] produce a stereotypical music that shamelessly pillages the magical heritage of the Sixties’.41 The same concern that made punk’s transition into France difficult – the issue of authenticity – is not assumed for British punks either, illustrating how French listeners were not accepting of all new trends from across the Channel. Nevertheless, much of this critique hinged upon other British and

in Fight back
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Parties and policy making in Ireland
Donnacha Ó Beacháin

formulation and provided little incentive for constructive debate. The upper house of parliament, the Seanad, duplicates rather than challenges the lower house and enjoys far fewer powers. Elected mainly by public representatives and with the Taoiseach nominating eleven of the sixty senators, the Government’s Dáil majority is reproduced in the upper house. In any case, the Seanad can only delay Dáil legislation and during the eight decades following the enactment of the Irish Constitution it has only twice (1957 and 1964) rejected a Dáil bill. While narrowly surviving a

in From Partition to Brexit
Aaron Edwards

The Northern Ireland Labour Party candidates will do everything possible to preserve and strengthen the link with Britain. Unlike the Unionist Party we will not use the border as an excuse for doing nothing. 1 Ulster cannot afford to stand still in the Sixties, nor can she afford constant backward glances over her shoulder … Labour believes that Northern Ireland can become a prosperous and united community if its people so decide; that unemployment can be beaten; that social justice can be achieved; that the gulfs between our people can be bridged. The

in A history of the Northern Ireland Labour Party