For the Left, the 1960s was a decade of national and
international protest and hope. It saw campaigns against the Vietnam War, nuclear weapons,
racism, sexism, the destruction of the environment, the lack of ‘real’ democracy
within society and continuing oppression and exploitation within the workplace and beyond.
Students, ‘hippies’ and working-class people mounted
‘counter-cultural’ protests against traditional hierarchical structures and
staid patterns of
What were the distinctive cultures of decolonisation that emerged in the years between 1945 and 1970, and what can they uncover about the complexities of the ‘end of empire’ as a process? Cultures of Decolonisation brings together visual, literary and material cultures within one volume in order to explore this question. The volume reveals the diverse ways in which cultures were active in wider political, economic and social change, working as crucial gauges, microcosms, and agents of decolonisation. Individual chapters focus on architecture, theatre, museums, heritage sites, fine art, and interior design alongside institutions such as artists’ groups, language agencies and the Royal Mint in Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, and Europe. Drawing on a range of disciplinary perspectives, these contributions offer revealing case studies for those researching decolonisation at all levels across the humanities and social sciences. The collection demonstrates the transnational character of cultures of decolonisation (and of decolonisation itself), and illustrates the value of comparison – between different sorts of cultural forms and different places – in understanding the nature of this dramatic and wide-reaching geopolitical change. Cultures of Decolonisation illustrates the value of engaging with the complexities of decolonisation as enacted and experienced by a broad range of actors beyond ‘flag independence’ and the realm of high politics. In the process it makes an important contribution to the theoretical, methodological and empirical diversification of the historiography of the end of empire.
In the 1930s, a series of crises transformed relationships between settlers and Aboriginal people in Australia’s Northern Territory. This book examines archives and texts of colonial administration to study the emergence of ideas and practices of indirect rule in this unlikely colonial situation. It demonstrates that the practice of indirect rule was everywhere an effect of Indigenous or ‘native’ people’s insistence on maintaining and reinventing their political formations, their refusal to be completely dominated, and their frustration of colonial aspirations to total control. These conditions of difference and contradiction, of the struggles of people in contact, produced a colonial state that was created both by settlers and by the ‘natives’ they sought to govern. By the late 1930s, Australian settlers were coming to understand the Northern Territory as a colonial formation requiring a new form of government. Responding to crises of social reproduction, public power, and legitimacy, they rethought the scope of settler colonial government by drawing on both the art of indirect rule and on a representational economy of Indigenous elimination to develop a new political dispensation that sought to incorporate and consume Indigenous production and sovereignties. This book locates Aboriginal history within imperial history, situating the settler colonial politics of Indigeneity in a broader governmental context. Australian settler governmentality, in other words, was not entirely exceptional; in the Northern Territory, as elsewhere, indirect rule emerged as part of an integrated, empire-wide repertoire of the arts of governing and colonising peoples.
The present collection is intended as a study of European planning ideas in the form of garden city concepts and practices in their broadest sense, and the ways these were transmitted, diffused and diverted in various colonial territories and situations. The socio-political, geographical and cultural implications of the processes are analysed here by means of cases from the global South, namely from French and British colonial territories in Africa as well as from Ottoman and British Mandate Palestine. The focus on the extra-European planning history of Europe – particularly in Africa and Palestine in the context of the garden city – is unprecedented in research literature, which tends to concentrate on the global North. Our focus on transnational aspects of the garden city requires a study of frameworks and documentation that extend beyond national borders. The present collection is composed of chapters written by an international network of specialists whose comparative views and critical approaches challenge the more conventional, Eurocentric, narrative relating to garden cities. A guiding principle that runs through this collection is that the spread of garden city ideas into the selected colonial territories was not uni-directional, considering the ‘traditional', reductive, centre-periphery analytical framework that characterises urban studies. This spread of ideas – by nature an uncontrolled process – was rather diffusive, crossing complex and multiple frontiers, and sometimes including quite unexpected ‘flows'.
Explanations of working-class politics in Australia and Britain have traditionally been heavily rooted in domestic 'bread and butter', socio-economic factors, including the much-debated issue of social class. 'Traditional' and 'revisionist' accounts have greatly advanced our knowledge and understanding of labour movements in general and labour politics in particular. This book offers a pathbreaking comparative and trans-national study of the neglected influences of nation, empire and race. The study is about the development and electoral fortunes of the Australian Labor Party (ALP) and the British Labour Party (BLP) from their formative years of the 1900s to the elections of 2010. Based upon extensive primary and secondary source-based research in Britain and Australia over several years, the book makes a new and original contribution to the fields of labour, imperial and 'British world' history. It offers the challenging conclusion that the forces of nation, empire and race exerted much greater influence upon Labour politics in both countries than suggested by 'traditionalists' and 'revisionists' alike. Labour sought a more democratic, open and just society, but, unlike the ALP, it was not a serious contender for political and social power. In both countries, the importance attached to the politics of loyalism is partly related to questions of place and space. In both Australia and Britain the essential strength of the emergent Labour parties was rooted in the trade unions. The book also presents three core arguments concerning the influences of nation, empire, race and class upon Labour's electoral performance.
For the scholar estimating the
magnitude of Scots-born migrants populating the territories of
empire in order to better conceptualise transnational identities,
the 1901 census of the British Empire makes for an unsatisfying
With summary data culled from several national censuses taken
between 1900 and 1905, its tabulations
decolonisation, before explaining the interdisciplinary and
transnational approach of the volume. We then delineate our approach to
reframing the role of culture in decolonisation, highlighting three main
arguments and strands of investigation. First, a claim is made for the
agency of culture in a process more often understood through a
political-economic lens; second, the value of focusing on the role of
Multilateral channels, garden cities and colonial planning
Liora Bigon and Yossi Katz
transnationality in terms of tracing the multilateral channels through
which garden city ideas were conveyed to these sites.
As to the variety of garden city models and other related
elements in situ, our group of contributors shared a flexible approach
regarding defining and capturing this variety. This enabled us not to
crystallise an exact list of ‘pure’ Howardian features and
then mark any colonial
This chapter examines the role that Elder Dempster played in transporting so-called ‘lunatics’ between the United Kingdom and British West African colonies in the first half of the twentieth century. Many Europeans inhabiting the colonies and many more colonial subjects traveling abroad in the UK and other West African territories succumbed to mental illnesses while far from home. When this occurred and the patient was deemed likely to benefit from repatriation, Elder Dempster was typically the agent charged with providing transport. As such, Elder Dempster frequently had to negotiate with the Colonial Office about the practicalities of transporting lunatics. The cost of transport and who was to pay, the types of accommodations necessary for mentally ill passengers, and considerations of liability all had to be orchestrated to the satisfaction of the commercial shipping giant. This chapter argues that the relationship between Elder Dempster and the British government represents an example of the importance of public-private cooperation in the maintenance of the medical geography of Empire, even as it reveals significant tensions underlying such cooperation. In so doing, it helps to move the historical study of psychiatry in colonial Africa into a broader engagement with its international, transnational and commercial influences.
Masculinity, class and the rite of return in a transnational community
Bruce S. Elliott
transnational patterns that are neither here nor there, neither in homelands or hostlands,
but in both simultaneously’. 13 In
highlighting personal socio-economic aspirations, Gerber espouses the view that migration
must be understood in terms of a quest for personal respectability. In the words of James
Hammerton, emigration was ‘not . . . foreign adventure, but simply another strategy to
secure the ideals of domestic partnership’. It offered a means of securing the
wherewithal to marry for those lacking sufficient resources to do