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Identity is contingent and dynamic, constituting and reconstituting subjects with political effects. This book explores the implications of Protestant and 'British' incursions for the development of Irish Catholic identity as preserved in Irish language texts from the early modern period until the end of Stuart pretensions. Questions of citizenship, belonging, migration, conflict, security, peace and subjectivity are examined through social construction, post-colonialism, and gendered lenses from an interdisciplinary perspective. The book explains the issue of cultural Catholicism in the later middle ages, by way of devotional cults and practices. It examines Catholic unionism vis-a-vis Victorian politics, military and imperial service, the crown, and the position of the Catholic Church with relation to the structures of the state in Ireland. In particular the North American experience and especially the importance of the USA for consolidating a particular interpretation of Irish Catholic nationalist identity, is explored. Children studied in English Catholic public schools like Stonyhurst and Downside where the establishment Irish Catholics and rising mercantile classes sought to have the characteristics of the Catholic gentleman instilled in their progeny. The book sets out to detect the voices of those Catholic women who managed to make themselves heard by a wider audience than family and friends in Ireland in the years between the Act of Union of 1800 and independence/partition. It considers what devotional interests both Gaelic Irish and Anglo-Norman actually shared in common as part of a wider late medieval Catholic culture.

Locality, brotherhood and the nature of tolerance
Tony Kushner

, post-1815 the Jews of Portsmouth and Southampton only merit a mention because of their pathbreaking role in being elected to municipal office and the progress in the treatment of Jews thereby revealed. 15 This chapter will explore, through the experiences of and responses to the two Emanuel families and the Abraham family, the nature of liberal tolerance towards the Jews within Victorian politics. Were these leading Jews accepted locally, and if so, on what terms? Emanuel Emanuel: the making of an elder statesman

in Anglo-Jewry since 1066
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Geoffrey Hicks

midVictorian era left virtually no memoirs: in an age when politicians did not routinely publish their autobiographies, only some unusual situation would be likely to force their hands; even had they the desire, few senior politicians were likely to have much incentive to publish, as the publication of one’s private papers was considered somewhat unseemly.8 Money from book sales had little attraction for most wealthy aristocrats. In any case, the longevity of Victorian political careers often meant there was little opportunity for reflection: many died in office or soon

in Peace, war and party politics
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Oliver P. Rafferty

clearly opposed to home rule and made their loyalty to the Union all too clear. This is a theme taken up by Richard Keogh and James McConnel. Their aim here is to look at the phenomenon of Catholic unionism via the Esmonde family of Co. Waterford. Chapter 16 examines Catholic unionism vis-àvis Victorian politics, military and imperial service, the crown, and the 14 Irish Catholic identities position of the Catholic Church with relation to the structures of the state in Ireland. From a study of the Esmondes the authors extrapolate some general conclusions about the

in Irish Catholic identities
Peter Yeandle, Katherine Newey and Jeffrey Richards

patriotism in pantomimes, melodrama and music ballet attests to a dominant conservative impulse at work within some popular performances. Yet, although there is one public, that public is made up of many individuals and collectivities. To ‘speak’ for public opinion was a political ambition, and to acknowledge and to frame ‘public opinion’ was a matter for both persuasion and representation: culture, itself, was a site of multiple meanings negotiated in myriad ways. Victorian politics was performative in so much as it was grounded in the visual and the spectacular but it

in Politics, performance and popular culture
Richard Gaunt

), pp. 60–1, 78–9. 11 Hilton, Mad, Bad, pp. 31–8; Angus Hawkins, ‘“Parliamentary Government” and Victorian Political Parties, c.1830–1880’, English Historical Review, 104 (1989), pp. 638–69; Angus Hawkins, Victorian Political Culture: ‘Habits of Heart and Mind’ (forthcoming). 12 David Worrall, Theatric Revolution: Drama, Censorship, and Romantic Period Subcultures, 1773–1832 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006). 13 Richard A Gaunt (ed.), Unrepentant Tory: Political Selections from the Diaries of the Fourth Duke of Newcastle-under-Lyne, 1827–1838 (Woodbridge

in Politics, performance and popular culture
The primary aesthetics of Chartism
Mike Sanders

dominant model for early Victorian politics. From moral force Chartism and Owenism on the ‘left’, through the Whig-Liberal ‘centre’ to the Conservative ‘right’, politics was increasingly understood as a rational contest, a battle of ideas. Arguably, only the ultra-radicals and the ultra-Tories remained outside this ideological consensus. Thus ‘meaning’ plays a central role in political struggle. The centrality of meaning also allows us to grasp another dimension of the generative role played by theatre in the political sphere. As numerous theorists have argued, narrative

in Politics, performance and popular culture
Lindsay J. Proudfoot and Dianne P. Hall

-lived O’Shanassy government in the spring of 1857 had been intent on establishing a Catholic Irish hegemony in Victorian politics, the squatting interest and its adherents in the pro-Haines press (notably The Melbourne Argus) had, The Banner claimed, tried to distract the electorate from the real issue of land ownership. 72 The paper continued

in Imperial spaces
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Christine Kinealy

’Neill Daunt, Esquire, Personal Recollections of the Late Daniel O’Connell MP (London: Chapman and Hall, 1848, 2 vols). 79 See, for example, the articles by Maurice R. O’Connell (a descendant of O’Connell) in O’Connell, Young Ireland, and Violence (Bronx: Fordham University Press, 1972); Raymond Moley, Nationalism without Violence: an Essay (New York: Fordham University Press, 1974). 80 An exception was Father Kenyon who was vitriolic in his attacks on O’Connell; see Christine Kinealy, Lives of Victorian Political Figures: Daniel O’Connell (London: Pickering and Chatto, 2007

in Repeal and revolution
Angela McCarthy

consideration of the ways the Irish and Irishness have been represented abroad emerges in studies concerned with the depiction of the Irish in cartoons or the press, with the divergent emphases and interpretations of the authors resulting in competing interpretations. L. Perry Curtis, for instance, focused on the representation of the Irish, mainly through a study of Irish faces in Victorian political cartoons

in Scottishness and Irishness in New Zealand since 1840