, 2006 ), p. 397 .
6 C. Sylvest , British Liberal Internationalism, 1880–1930: Making Progress? ( Manchester : Manchester University Press , 2009 ), p. 46 .
7 Sylvest, British Liberal Internationalism , pp. 200–6.
8 D. Bell and C. Sylvest , ‘ International society in Victorianpolitical thought: T.H. Green, Herbert Spencer, and Henry Sidgwick ’, Modern Intellectual History , 3 : 2 ( 2006 ), pp. 207 – 38 , at p. 230 .
9 C. Hobson , The Rise of Democracy: Revolution, War, and Transformations in International Politics since 1776 ( Edinburgh
), p. 372. On the ‘meliorist myth’ see
Robert Fussell, The Great War and Modern Memory (Oxford University Press,
1975), p. 8.
4 One of the best descriptions of the Victorian Briton’s self-image can be found in
George Watson’s The English Ideology: Studies in the Language of VictorianPolitics (London, Allen Lane, 1973). He sums it up as ‘Liberty is the English
ideology’ (p. 10).
5 E.H. Carr, The Twenty Years’ Crisis: 1919–1939 (London, Macmillan, 1939),
pp. 13–16; Arnold Wolfers, Britain and France Between the Two Wars (Hamden,
Connecticut, Archon Books, 1963
The third American NWO – the Clinton and Bush presidencies, 1990–2006
‘good claim to being the individual most
responsible for broadening the imaginative horizons of Victorianpolitical
thought’. He was clearly a ‘realist’ in that he is often74 seen as being in the
same political lineage as George Kennan, Martin Wight, Herbert Butterfield
or Reinhold Niebuhr, some key members of the realist canon, whom we
have also identified as NWO thinkers of distinction. Bell shows how Seeley
has been subsumed into what Karma Nabulsi calls the ‘martialist’ tradition of late nineteenth-century thinkers who lauded the development of the