Search results

You are looking at 1 - 5 of 5 items for :

  • "Victorian politics" x
  • Manchester Religious Studies x
Clear All

Identity is contingent and dynamic, constituting and reconstituting subjects with political effects. This book explores the implications of Protestant and 'British' incursions for the development of Irish Catholic identity as preserved in Irish language texts from the early modern period until the end of Stuart pretensions. Questions of citizenship, belonging, migration, conflict, security, peace and subjectivity are examined through social construction, post-colonialism, and gendered lenses from an interdisciplinary perspective. The book explains the issue of cultural Catholicism in the later middle ages, by way of devotional cults and practices. It examines Catholic unionism vis-a-vis Victorian politics, military and imperial service, the crown, and the position of the Catholic Church with relation to the structures of the state in Ireland. In particular the North American experience and especially the importance of the USA for consolidating a particular interpretation of Irish Catholic nationalist identity, is explored. Children studied in English Catholic public schools like Stonyhurst and Downside where the establishment Irish Catholics and rising mercantile classes sought to have the characteristics of the Catholic gentleman instilled in their progeny. The book sets out to detect the voices of those Catholic women who managed to make themselves heard by a wider audience than family and friends in Ireland in the years between the Act of Union of 1800 and independence/partition. It considers what devotional interests both Gaelic Irish and Anglo-Norman actually shared in common as part of a wider late medieval Catholic culture.

Abstract only
Oliver P. Rafferty

clearly opposed to home rule and made their loyalty to the Union all too clear. This is a theme taken up by Richard Keogh and James McConnel. Their aim here is to look at the phenomenon of Catholic unionism via the Esmonde family of Co. Waterford. Chapter 16 examines Catholic unionism vis-àvis Victorian politics, military and imperial service, the crown, and the 14 Irish Catholic identities position of the Catholic Church with relation to the structures of the state in Ireland. From a study of the Esmondes the authors extrapolate some general conclusions about the

in Irish Catholic identities
Locality, brotherhood and the nature of tolerance
Tony Kushner

, post-1815 the Jews of Portsmouth and Southampton only merit a mention because of their pathbreaking role in being elected to municipal office and the progress in the treatment of Jews thereby revealed. 15 This chapter will explore, through the experiences of and responses to the two Emanuel families and the Abraham family, the nature of liberal tolerance towards the Jews within Victorian politics. Were these leading Jews accepted locally, and if so, on what terms? Emanuel Emanuel: the making of an elder statesman

in Anglo-Jewry since 1066
Abstract only
Nicholas Vincent

Roman Catholic doubts, found himself reading the Constitutions as a medicinal exercise.48 Far from purging him of his Catholicism, they helped drive him across the great divide into the welcoming arms of Rome. Becket, then, remained central to Victorian political narratives. He appears in the novels of Anthony Trollope (1815–82), being cited in Phineas Redux (1874) by Trollope’s fictitious Young Englandist Mr Daubeny in a debate over the relations between Church and state: On the subject of the Church [Mr Daubeny] was rather misty but very profound. He went into the

in Making and remaking saints in nineteenth-century Britain
Abstract only
Laura Schwartz

; others remained loyal to Holyoake for historical reasons or because they resented Bradlaugh’s authoritarian style of leadership. Most rank and file members engaged with both Holyoake’s vision of positive Secularism at a local level and Bradlaugh’s struggles on the national. 51 The Secularist movement reached the height of its powers in the 1880s, by which time Charles Bradlaugh had come to figure as one of the heavyweights of Victorian politics. 52

in Infidel feminism