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states, others, like the GATT [General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade], were only for the capitalist world. There was an order, which, in theory, combined Western democracy with a more-or-less regulated capitalism: the so-called liberal order – although perhaps ‘liberal’ isn’t the most precise term, either in political or economic terms. There were of course other characteristics. The promotion of human rights became one, for example, albeit selective. When South Korea was still under dictatorship, we would ask ‘What about South Korea? Shouldn’t it
. ( 2013 ), ‘ 21st Century Welfare ’, New Left Review , 84 , 5 – 40 . Lebaron , G. and Ayers , A. ( 2013 ), ‘ The Rise of a “New Slavery”? Understanding Unfree Labour through Neoliberalism ’, Third World Quarterly , 34 : 5 , 837 – 92 . Mair , P. ( 2013 ), Ruling the Void: The Hollowing of Western Democracy ( London : Verso ). Meagher , K. ( 1990 ), ‘ The Hidden Economy: Informal and Parallel Trade in Northwestern Uganda ’, Review
Kosovo. It is also apparent in societies we take to be among the most established western democracies. We only need witness developments in contemporary Belgium where there exists strong antipathy between the richer, Flemish north and the poorer, French-speaking Walloon region. I would venture that a sense of identity founded on a nationality that is itself predicated, not on immutable ideals, but on a sense of shared future, will go some way to undermining the allure of narrow, identity politics. Realistically, however, this emphasis on individual rights and a sense
Tonkin, a literary journalist on the staff of the Independent, wrote that ‘the continent’s intelligentsia sat firmly on its postmodern posterior as 250,000 corpses piled up on prime time TV.’ Another (TV) intellectual, Michael Ignatieff, railed against ‘the narcissism of intervention’ or ‘intervention by proxy’, mere moral posturing, or ‘accounting’ to use his phrase.76 In what do they put their faith? The answer seems to be that the pendulum has swung back in favour of a belief that there are in fact no real security problems left. Western democracy and well-being is
to comparative analysis, as the analytical design proposed can be applied to Western democracies, ‘transition’ states and ‘developing’ countries alike. What then is securitisation, in the sense developed by Buzan, Wæver and de Wilde? We will set out in brief the theoretical definition and then move on to give examples. In short, securitisation happens when ‘normal politics is pushed into the security realm’.30 The securitisation of an issue in a policy sector occurs when a political actor by the use of the rhetoric of existential threat against a referent object
Norman Angell, J. A. Hobson, Alfred Zimmern and John Dewey, contributed to the creation of a so-called German theory of the state and to the ideology of German power politics as liberal internationalism’s ‘other’. 51 Zimmern was among those British intellectuals who already declared in 1914 that Britain was fighting for the democratic cause and thus anticipated the rise of an ideological key concept, being ‘Western democracy’. 52 As an expert working for the Political Intelligence Department, he tended to view victory over Germany as a necessity and spurred
–30 . Carreiras , Helena ( 2006 ), Gender and the Military: Women in the Armed Forces of Western Democracies ( London : Routledge ). Chappell , Louise ( 2006 ), ‘ Moving to a comparative politics of gender? ’, Critical Perspectives on Gender and Politics , 2 , 221–63 . Chappell , Louise , and Georgina Waylen
standards’ and ‘must promote values that belong to its inner characteristics’, such as equality, solidarity and justice. 30 This new approach reflected the new civilisational realities of globalisation, which created the capacity ‘to transform international politics from their traditional, inter-state focus towards a law-centred and participatory approach which characterised politics within Western democracies’. 31 In Duchêne’s words, European integration had shown that this transformation was possible and that interstate relations could be ‘domesticated’ neither by