An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister
states, others, like the GATT [General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade],
were only for the capitalist world. There was an order, which, in theory, combined Westerndemocracy with a more-or-less regulated capitalism: the so-called liberal order – although
perhaps ‘liberal’ isn’t the most precise term, either in political or
economic terms. There were of course other characteristics. The promotion of human rights became
one, for example, albeit selective. When South Korea was still under dictatorship, we would ask
‘What about South Korea? Shouldn’t it
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‘ 21st Century Welfare ’, New Left
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‘ The Rise of a “New Slavery”? Understanding Unfree Labour
through Neoliberalism ’, Third World Quarterly ,
34 : 5 ,
837 – 92 .
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the Void: The Hollowing of WesternDemocracy ( London :
K. ( 1990 ),
‘ The Hidden Economy: Informal and Parallel Trade in Northwestern
Uganda ’, Review
chances of a new and prolonged Cold War, or even a hot one.
In conclusion, while the external threats to the West are real—far more than “risks and challenges”—internal weaknesses could block Westerndemocracies from working together to deal with them. If transatlantic solidarity fails, then the future of the West would be in doubt. The transatlantic community is more than ever dependent on the right choices being made on both sides of the Atlantic. The United States has not recently been inclined to ride in on its white horse to rescue the old continent. Perhaps the
This chapter provides an overview of UK anti-terrorism policy. The chapter begins by tracing the historical evolution of contemporary anti-terrorism powers, before comparing the UK’s experience to that of other Western democracies. The chapter argues that the UK’s approach to anti-terrorism is distinctive because it is characterised by hasty, repetitive and continuous activity in which terrorism is approached as a distinct security problem of exceptional significance.
Norman Angell, J. A. Hobson, Alfred Zimmern and John Dewey, contributed to the creation of a so-called German theory of the state and to the ideology of German power politics as liberal internationalism’s ‘other’. 51 Zimmern was among those British intellectuals who already declared in 1914 that Britain was fighting for the democratic cause and thus anticipated the rise of an ideological key concept, being ‘Westerndemocracy’. 52 As an expert working for the Political Intelligence Department, he tended to view victory over Germany as a necessity and spurred
insurgents operate, typically against weak or failing
states. On the other hand, we are aware that insurgent groups such as al
Qaeda, ISIL, and other holy warriors have used the Internet to stimulate “lone
wolves,” especially in places that are out of these groups’ reach. This is one
way these groups may target the Westerndemocracies they oppose, yet
do so from a distance. Their secret weapon is the disenfranchised, perhaps
naïve, maybe even “notoriety-seeking”13 individuals who reside in every
society. In democratic societies, these individuals tend to enjoy the types of
Beyond aggressive competition to mutual accommodation
good deed 20 –
and yet many citizens from Westerndemocracies still despised its
authoritarian political regime. Since the image of a country often
drastically changes over time during global mega-events such as war,
epidemic or sports events, China may still have an opportunity to
become an active participant in global affairs and a potential ally
to those nations that are
reflects the extrapolation of Hofstadter’s framework on to
the world at large. Like populism on the margins of Westerndemocracy, conspiracy theory is thought to be a potent force on the
international periphery from the point of view of these
This underlying structure, I argue, indicates a
powerful dynamic of ideological reproduction embedded in the
Carreiras , Helena
( 2006 ), Gender and the Military: Women in the Armed Forces of WesternDemocracies ( London : Routledge ).
Chappell , Louise
( 2006 ), ‘ Moving to a comparative politics of gender? ’, Critical Perspectives on Gender and Politics , 2 , 221–63 .
Chappell , Louise
states, but several persisted for more than a decade or even longer
(let us keep in mind that one of the most memorable political
regimes in history, Nazi Germany, existed only for 12 years). Their
survival was largely dependent on their linkage with Westerndemocracies as much as their internal political resources and their
organizational power (Levitsky and Way 2010 , p. 5).