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Jean-Claude Barbier

Interestingly, this discourse was cut off from any necessary empirical referents, once there was, as is the case in linguistics, a signifier (social exclusion in (European) English) and a vague signified (some sort of ill-defined situation affecting the poor and other groups). If social exclusion was rather easily adopted in Brussels’s English, the idea of insertion has remained, until now, radically untranslatable. Why was this so? French insertion policies displayed specific characteristics, which could not be honestly accounted for by reducing them to ‘workfare’ or

in Western capitalism in transition
Tony Fitzpatrick

strategies adopted and the institutional background at work. Indeed, Chapter 4 will suggest that ‘old’ social democracy is far from dead, precisely because there is far more heterogeneity than accounts of the investment state, or the competition state, or the workfare state, or whatever, normally allow for. Even so, I neither want to underestimate the degree of state convergence that globalisation implies and the ‘security state’ is a working hypothesis that I apply to the UK and USA, two countries in which the NSD has arguably been most influential. Second, however, this

in After the new social democracy
Joe Larragy

for much of the rising income of most workers. But, even in Marxian terms, the evidence points to a period of investment-­driven expansion and increasing labour productivity rather than a deepening rate of exploitation of labour through wage depression, which might be expected of neo-­liberalism. Moreover, instead of the panoply of workfare and stigmatisation that was actively touted in the 1980s and 1990s in the US and UK, the decades of the Celtic Tiger (which coincided with social partnership) witnessed a general increase in living standards and labour market

in Asymmetric engagement
Self-policing as ethical development in North Manchester
Katherine Smith

University Press. 204 ‘Don’t call the police on me…’ — 2010. “Crafting the neoliberal state: workfare, prisonfare, and social insecurity”. Sociological Forum Vol. 25, pp. 197–220. Oxford: Blackwell. Williams, Bernard. 1993. Shame and Necessity. Berkeley: University of California Press. Zigon, Jarrett. 2007. “Moral breakdown and the ethical demand a theoretical framework for an anthropology of moralities”. Anthropological Theory 7 (2): 131–150.

in Realising the city
Nicola Negri and Chiara Saraceno

diritti e coesione sociale. Rassegna Italiana di Sociologia, 3: 499–526. Bagnasco, A. (2012). Taccuino sociologico. Rome/Bari: Laterza. Barbera, F., Dagnes, J., Salento, A., and Spina, F. (2016). Il capitale quotidiano: Un manifesto per l’economia fondamentale. Rome: Donzelli. Barbier, J.-C. (2003). La logica del workfare in Europa e negli Stati Uniti: i limiti delle analisi globali. Assistenza Sociale, 3–4: 209–35. Bettio, F., Simonazzi, A., and Villa, P. (2006). Change in care regimes and female migration: the ‘care drain’ in the Mediterranean. Journal of European

in Western capitalism in transition
Abstract only
The Irish National Organisation of the Unemployed
Joe Larragy

disillusioned. (TM) The early 1990s were a time for capacity-­building by the INOU during which they developed innovative policies as an alternative to the punitive measures that were propagated in the 1980s. Ongoing contact with individual government departments laid the basis for increased trust between The Irish National Organisation of the Unemployed 105 government officials and the INOU. This was important against the background of ‘Workfare’ in the US under the Reagan/Bush administrations up to 1992, and in light of the British experience under Thatcher. The INOU

in Asymmetric engagement
Open Access (free)
Tony Fitzpatrick

there has always been some expectation that benefit claimants will work, hence the principle of social insurance. The distinction has become popular to disguise the fact that what is now called active welfare is little more than a synonym for workfare policies that often coerce and punish the victim. Economic efficacy is now supposedly gained by reforming the worker rather than reforming the market. The idea that the Old Left ignored the importance of duties is another caricature (Deacon, 2000: 15). In fact, the NSD merely updates the principle of ‘less eligibility

in After the new social democracy
Open Access (free)
Tony Fitzpatrick

substantial continuities between the nineteenth-century minimalist state and the post-Victorian ‘penal–welfare’ state. He underlines the extent to which eugenics inspired the modern system of social security, so that the latter is the institutional embodiment of the genetic endowments we are assumed to possess. According to this interpretation, social policy prods the genetically unfit into labour colonies, workfare and social assistance schemes (King, 1999) and designs labour exchanges and social insurance systems for the genetically fit. Taken individually, none of the

in After the new social democracy
Phil Almond

forms of uneven development’, European Urban and Regional Studies, 10:1, 49–67. Jessop, B. (2004), Towards a Schumpetarian Workfare State? Preliminary Remarks on Post-Fordist Political Economy (Lancaster: University of Lancaster, originally 1993). Jessop, B. (2013), ‘Revisiting the regulation approach: Critical reflections on the contradictions, dilemmas, fixes and crisis dynamics of growth regimes’, Capital and Class, 37:1, 5–24. Kristensen, P. H., and Rocha, R. S. (2012), ‘New roles for the trade unions five lines of action for carving out a new governance regime

in Making work more equal
Geographical dynamics and convergence spaces
Paul Routledge and Andrew Cumbers

local union membership and organisation. In a similar vein, recent research in the UK has found that the imposition of local workfare regimes in traditional Labour-run local authorities tend to be more favourable to the participation of trade unions and voluntary sector organisations in policy design and delivery than elsewhere, where business interests are more dominant (Sunley et al., 2005). The politics of scale Political power is unevenly articulated across national space and geographic scale, and social movements mostly operate at the intersection of a series of

in Global justice networks