Interestingly, this discourse was cut off from any necessary empirical referents, once there was, as is the case in linguistics, a signifier (social exclusion
in (European) English) and a vague signified (some sort of ill-defined situation affecting the poor and other groups). If social exclusion was rather
easily adopted in Brussels’s English, the idea of insertion has remained, until
now, radically untranslatable. Why was this so?
French insertion policies displayed specific characteristics, which could
not be honestly accounted for by reducing them to ‘workfare’ or
strategies adopted and the institutional background at work. Indeed, Chapter 4 will suggest that ‘old’ social democracy is far from dead, precisely because there is far more heterogeneity
than accounts of the investment state, or the competition state, or the
workfare state, or whatever, normally allow for. Even so, I neither want
to underestimate the degree of state convergence that globalisation
implies and the ‘security state’ is a working hypothesis that I apply to the
UK and USA, two countries in which the NSD has arguably been most
influential. Second, however, this
for much of
the rising income of most workers. But, even in Marxian terms, the evidence
points to a period of investment-driven expansion and increasing labour productivity rather than a deepening rate of exploitation of labour through wage
depression, which might be expected of neo-liberalism. Moreover, instead
of the panoply of workfare and stigmatisation that was actively touted in the
1980s and 1990s in the US and UK, the decades of the Celtic Tiger (which
coincided with social partnership) witnessed a general increase in living standards and labour market
Self-policing as ethical development in North Manchester
‘Don’t call the police on me…’
— 2010. “Crafting the neoliberal state: workfare, prisonfare, and social insecurity”.
Sociological Forum Vol. 25, pp. 197–220. Oxford: Blackwell.
Williams, Bernard. 1993. Shame and Necessity. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Zigon, Jarrett. 2007. “Moral breakdown and the ethical demand a theoretical framework for an anthropology of moralities”. Anthropological Theory 7 (2): 131–150.
diritti e coesione sociale. Rassegna
Italiana di Sociologia, 3: 499–526.
Bagnasco, A. (2012). Taccuino sociologico. Rome/Bari: Laterza.
Barbera, F., Dagnes, J., Salento, A., and Spina, F. (2016). Il capitale quotidiano: Un
manifesto per l’economia fondamentale. Rome: Donzelli.
Barbier, J.-C. (2003). La logica del workfare in Europa e negli Stati Uniti: i limiti
delle analisi globali. Assistenza Sociale, 3–4: 209–35.
Bettio, F., Simonazzi, A., and Villa, P. (2006). Change in care regimes and female
migration: the ‘care drain’ in the Mediterranean. Journal of European
The early 1990s were a time for capacity-building by the INOU during
which they developed innovative policies as an alternative to the punitive
measures that were propagated in the 1980s. Ongoing contact with individual government departments laid the basis for increased trust between
The Irish National Organisation of the Unemployed
government officials and the INOU. This was important against the background of ‘Workfare’ in the US under the Reagan/Bush administrations up to
1992, and in light of the British experience under Thatcher. The INOU
there has always been
some expectation that benefit claimants will work, hence the principle of social insurance. The distinction has become popular to disguise the fact that what is now called active welfare is little more than
a synonym for workfare policies that often coerce and punish the
victim. Economic efficacy is now supposedly gained by reforming the
worker rather than reforming the market.
The idea that the Old Left ignored the importance of duties is another
caricature (Deacon, 2000: 15). In fact, the NSD merely updates the
principle of ‘less eligibility
substantial continuities between the nineteenth-century
minimalist state and the post-Victorian ‘penal–welfare’ state. He underlines the extent to which eugenics inspired the modern system of social
security, so that the latter is the institutional embodiment of the genetic
endowments we are assumed to possess. According to this interpretation,
social policy prods the genetically unfit into labour colonies, workfare and
social assistance schemes (King, 1999) and designs labour exchanges and
social insurance systems for the genetically fit.
Taken individually, none of the
forms of uneven development’, European
Urban and Regional Studies, 10:1, 49–67.
Jessop, B. (2004), Towards a Schumpetarian Workfare State? Preliminary Remarks on Post-Fordist
Political Economy (Lancaster: University of Lancaster, originally 1993).
Jessop, B. (2013), ‘Revisiting the regulation approach: Critical reflections on the contradictions, dilemmas, fixes and crisis dynamics of growth regimes’, Capital and Class,
Kristensen, P. H., and Rocha, R. S. (2012), ‘New roles for the trade unions five lines of
action for carving out a new governance regime
local union membership and organisation. In a similar vein,
recent research in the UK has found that the imposition of
local workfare regimes in traditional Labour-run local authorities tend to be more favourable to the participation of trade
unions and voluntary sector organisations in policy design
and delivery than elsewhere, where business interests are
more dominant (Sunley et al., 2005).
The politics of scale
Political power is unevenly articulated across national space
and geographic scale, and social movements mostly operate
at the intersection of a series of