Loyalty, memory and public opinion in England, 1658-1727 makes an important contribution to the ongoing debate over the emergence of an early modern ‘public sphere’. Focusing on the petition-like form of the loyal address, it argues that these texts helped to foster a politically-aware public through mapping shifts in the national ‘mood’. Covering addressing campaigns from the late Cromwellian to the early Georgian period, it explores the production, presentation, subscription and publication of these texts. Through an in-depth examination of the social background of subscribers and the geography of subscription, it argues that addressing activity provided opportunities to develop political coalitions. By exploring the ritual of drafting and presenting an address, it demonstrates how this form was used strategically by both addressers and government. Both the act of subscribing and the act of presenting an address imprinted this activity in both local and national public memory. The memory of addressing activity in turn shaped the understanding of public loyalty. The volume employs corpus analysis techniques to demonstrate how the meaning of loyalty was transformed over the seventeenth and eighteenth-centuries. The shifts in public loyalty, however, did not, as some contemporaries such as Daniel Defoe claimed, make these professions of fidelity meaningless. Instead, Loyalty, memory and public opinion argues for that beneath partisan attacks on addressing lay a broad consensus about the validity of this political practice. Ultimately, loyal addresses acknowledged the existence of a broad ‘political public’ but did so in a way which fundamentally conceded the legitimacy of the social and political hierarchy
This book examines the militant Irish republican movement in the United States from the final months of the Irish Civil War through to the Second World War. The narrative, crafted to appeal to both an academic and general audience, carefully and creatively intertwines the personalities, events and policies that shaped the militant republican movement in the US during this period and shows the evolution of its deep transnational nature. Most importantly, through a bottom-up historical analysis that incorporates an examination of more than eighty archival collections in the US, Ireland and Britain, the work presents for the first time an account of the anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army (IRA) veterans who emigrated to the United States after the Irish Civil War. Upon their settlement in Irish-American communities, these republicans directly influenced and guided the US-based militant republican organisation, Clan na Gael, transformed the overall dynamics of militant Irish republicanism in America and provided leadership and co-ordination for an IRA bombing campaign. The inclusion of these IRA veterans in the narrative creates a fresh and revised interpretation of the militant Irish republican activism that occurred in the US in the immediate decades after the Irish revolutionary period.
From Partition to Brexit is the first book to chart the political and ideological
evolution of Irish government policy towards Northern Ireland from the partition
of the country in 1921 to the present day. Based on extensive original research,
this groundbreaking work assesses the achievements and failures of successive
Dublin administrations, evaluating the obstacles faced and the strategies used
to overcome them. Challenging the idea that Dublin has pursued a consistent set
of objectives and policies towards Northern Ireland, this timely study reveals a
dynamic story of changing priorities. The picture that emerges is one of complex
and sometimes contradictory processes underpinning the Irish Government’s
approach to the conflict. Drawing on extensive archival research and
interviews, the author explores and explains the gap between the rhetorical
objective of Irish unity and actual priorities, such as stability within
Northern Ireland and the security of the Irish state. The book explains why
attempts during the 1990s to manage the conflict in Northern Ireland ultimately
proved successful when previous efforts had foundered. Identifying key
evolutionary trends, From Partition to Brexit demonstrates how in its relations
with the British Government, Dublin has been transformed from spurned supplicant
to vital partner in determining Northern Ireland’s future, a partnership
jeopardised by Britain’s decision to leave the European Union. Informed,
robust and innovative, From Partition to Brexit is essential reading for anyone
interested in Irish or British history and politics, and will appeal to students
of diplomacy, international relations and conflict studies.
Paradoxes of Internationalization deals with British and German trade union responses to the internationalization of corporate structures and strategies at Ford and General Motors between the late 1960s and the early twenty-first century. Based on research in more than a dozen archives in Britain, Germany and the United States, the book is unique in its attempt to bridge historical and contemporary approaches to the study of trade union politics in multinational firms. Conceptually, Paradoxes of Internationalization draws not only on the mainstream industrial relations literature but also on scholarship in comparative and international political economy, transnational history and nationalism studies. The book points to the paradoxical effects of internationalization processes. First, it demonstrates how internationalization reinforced trade unions’ national identities and allegiances. Second, the book highlights that internationalization made domestic trade union practices more similar in some respects, while it simultaneously contributed to the re-creation of diversity between and within the two countries. Third, the book shows that investment competition was paradoxically the most important precondition for the emergence of cross-border cooperation initiatives although the interest-driven nature of these initiatives also limited their scope.
This is a definitive history of the Northern Ireland Labour Party (NILP), a unique political force that drew its support from Protestants and Catholics and became electorally viable despite deep-seated ethnic, religious and national divisions. Formed in 1924 and disbanded in 1987, it succeeded in returning several of its members to the locally based Northern Ireland parliament in 1925–29 and 1958–72, and polled some 100,000 votes in the 1964 and 1970 British general elections. Despite its political successes, the NILP's significance has been downplayed by historians, partly because of the lack of empirical evidence and partly to reinforce the simplistic view of Northern Ireland as the site of the most protracted sectarian conflict in modern Europe. The book brings together archival sources and the oral testimonies of the NILP's former members to explain the enigma of an extraordinary political party operating in extraordinary circumstances. It situates the NILP's successes and failures in a broad historical framework, providing the reader with a balanced account of twentieth-century Northern Irish political history.
This book examines the 1969 attempt by Harold Wilson’s Labour Government to enact
legislation to reform industrial relations. There was a particular concern to
curb strikes by the trade unions. Published in the 50th anniversary of this
ill-fated episode, this scholarly study makes extensive use of primary sources,
many of them previously unpublished, most notably the archives of the Labour
Party, the left-wing Tribune Group, the TUC, and the personal papers of the
three key political figures involved, namely Harold Wilson, Barbara Castle and
James Callaghan. The chapters are organised both thematically and
chronologically, each one focusing on a particular aspect of the events leading
to the proposed Industrial Relations Bill, and its subsequent abandonment. The
book commences with an examination of the key economic and industrial
developments of the early 1960s, to indicate how the ‘trade union problem’ was
initially identified and defined. This led the Labour Government, elected in
1964, to establish a Royal Commission to examine industrial relations, but its
report, published in 1968, was a cautious document, and therefore a deep
disappointment to Harold Wilson and his Employment Secretary, Barbara Castle.
They thus pursued their own industrial relations legislation, via a White Paper
called In Place of Strife, but were overwhelmed by the scale and strength of
opposition this aroused, and which eventually compelled them to abandon the
legislation via a humiliating climb-down.
political figures. The main examples of historical accounts are
Barnes and Reid (1980: 112–26), Dorfman (1979: 8–49); Panitch (1976:
171–203), Ponting (1990: 350–71), Sandbrook (2006: Chapter 33) and
Taylor (1993: 159–73), while the relevant biographies are by Morgan
(1997: 330–45), Perkins (2003: chapters 13 and 14), and Pimlott (1993:
However, the authors of these works mostly lacked access to key archival
sources, many of which have only become available to scholars in relatively
recent years, due to such factors as the thirty-year rule which applied to
A Matter of Intelligence is a book about the British Security Service MI5. More specifically, it concerns one particular aspect of its work, the surveillance of anti-Nazi German refugees during the 1930s and 1940s. When Hitler took power in 1933, the Nazis began a reign of terror against their political opponents: communists, socialists, pacifists and liberals, many of whom were forced to flee Germany. Some of these ‘political’ refugees came to Britain, where MI5 kept them under close surveillance. This study is based on the personal and organisational files that MI5 kept on them during the 1930s and 1940s – or at least those that have been released to the National Archives – making it equally a study of the political refugees themselves. Although this surveillance exercise formed an important part of MI5's work during that period, it is a part which it seems to have disowned or at any rate forgotten: the recent official history of MI5 does not even mention it, nor do its ‘unofficial’ counterparts. This study therefore fills a considerable gap in historical research. It traces the development of MI5 surveillance of German-speaking refugees through the case files of some of its individual targets and of the main refugee organisations; it also considers the refugees’ British supporters and the refugee informants who spied on fellow-refugees, as well as MI5's tussles with the Home Office and other official bodies. Finally, it assesses how successful – or how useful – this hidden surveillance exercise actually was.
– reside in the Chinese
Foreign Ministry Archives in Beijing, which following a decade or so of opening some
files, has as of 2014 closed its doors to the public once again. This makes it difficult to
conduct research on Chinese delegations travelling abroad. However, documents on
foreign delegations visiting China can be found in various provincial and municipal
archives in areas where delegations travelled.
15 Anne-Marie Brady, Making the Foreign Serve China: Managing Foreigners in the
People’s Republic (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2003), 1, 23.
The investigation and trial of the Angry Brigade, 1967–72
‘Papers of Elizabeth Wilson and Angela [Weir]
Mason’, The Women’s Library, LSE Archives, 7EAW/C/13.
‘Expert Makes Bomb in Court’, Guardian, 21 June 1972, p. 5.
On this date First of May members shot the cars of Spanish diplomats, and
the US Embassy, in London – the first Angry Brigade attack in the conspiracy
charge of Prescott and Purdie, but dropped for the SN8. Bond’s slippage recorded
in SN8DG, Conspiracy Notes [Issue 2, undated – March 1972 speculatively],
Determining exactly the number of communiqués is difficult: none survive, several
were sent to