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The restructuring of work in Germany

problematises the dominant modes of thought that see Germany either as ‘squeezed’ by global forces on to convergent neo-liberal lines, or as directly opposing neoliberal restructuring, hence always either neo-liberal or non-neo-liberal. I then go on to explore the historical institutions and practices of state, capital and labour in Germany that have made possible particular contemporary programmes of restructuring. Finally, I discuss the contemporary restructuring of working practices in Germany, demonstrating the negotiated and mediated nature of reforms. ‘Modell

in Globalisation contested
Securing or denying minorities’ right to the city?

kinds of public spaces and tend to control who uses these spaces and how (Rosol, 2012), conflicts over garden spaces have proliferated (Smith and Kurtz, 2003; Staeheli et  al., 2002). Those garden practices/​spaces that are seen as threats or barriers to capital accumulation and revenue generation are therefore subject to eviction and severe restrictions by state agencies within neoliberal political-​economic regimes (Irazabal and Punja, 2009; Smith and Kurtz, 2003). While community garden practices in some instances are discouraged by state authorities and private

in Urban gardening and the struggle for social and spatial justice
The case for practice theory

anywhere on the planet – volunteering their geolocation for public viewing on social media. Likewise, even seemingly unrelated practices like buying a house (landed capital investment) are now informed by digital maps. Property searches offer ready spatialisation of public datasets (school reports, crime statistics and boundary areas) set against the property type. Homebuyers now have the ability to narrow their shortlist criteria and create their own ­mapping prior to viewing, destabilising the sales practices of estate agents. Alongside complex developments in the

in Time for mapping
Concepts and practice

political urban gardening Context is critical for understanding the conditions which have led the public to re-​evaluate ‘everyday space’ in the urban realm (Hou, 2010; Milbourne, Conflation in political gardening 2012: 944), for example, parks, markets, streets and verges (Certoma, 2015; Hou, 2010). Neoliberalism has been and continues to be a dominant mode of political economic restructuring and form of governmentality. It is underpinned by appropriate relationships between the State, capital, private enterprise and the public (Ong, 2006). Characteristics include

in Urban gardening and the struggle for social and spatial justice
Abstract only
Spaces and spectres of Ireland after NAMA

interrelated activities of bankers, builders and buyers that kept one another aloft through the consistent movement of capital suddenly and cumulatively ceased to function, resulting in an almost apocalyptic freezeframe of the state of development at that time. What had been parts in constant motion have settled, at least momentarily, into a landscape of crisis and dereliction that simultaneously underlines the lie of the Celtic Tiger’s myth of eternal growth and offers an archaeological cross-section through which to explore and understand this period and the factors that

in Spacing Ireland
The restructuring of work in Britain

globalisation debate and outlines an alternative understanding that follows from the IPE of social practice developed in chapter 2. I then go on to explore the making of globalisation in the British discourse of hyperflexibility and the historical representations of state, capital and labour that have made this possible. Finally, I discuss the contemporary restructuring of working practices in Britain, revealing the contests and contradictions that characterise the politics of the flexibility programme. Globalisation and the ‘national capitalisms’ debate In the debates

in Globalisation contested
Abstract only

Promise of Infrastructure , the anthropologists Nikhil Anand, Akhil Gupta and Hannah Appel argue that On the one hand, governments and corporations point to infrastructural investment as a source of jobs, market access, capital accumulation, and public provision and safety. On the other hand, communities worldwide face ongoing problems of service delivery, ruination, and abandonment, and they use infrastructure as a site both to make and contest political claims. As the black cities of Michigan or the rubble in Palestine forcefully show, the material and

in The spatial contract
Considerations and consequences

as it does to understand the border between Spain and Morocco as ‘not an abstract geopolitical line but an increasingly complicated, contested space’ by attempting to ‘follow the flows that already traverse the border, such as migrants, internet data and cell phone calls, as well as capital and police’, and the way in which these flows shape it into a border region (Dalton and Mason-Deese, 2012: 448). As Robert L. Harris (2000: 157) writes, emphasising the diverse ranges of uses to which they might be put, ‘[f]low maps can be used to show movement 180 (In

in Time for mapping
Open Access (free)
Back to the future

, and each focuses on different aspects of this (in)formalisation. As Sutherland has noted in his chapter, the mapping of flows is a well-­ established domain and has come to be associated with more recent global, digital manifestations of capital circulation. The obsession with rendering the world as flow-full (mirroring similar obsessions for the real-time in de Lange’s piece, and prediction/prevention in Driesser’s), therefore, has led to a curious abandoning of anything fixed, grounded or otherwise stable – despite the continuing presence of infrastructures that

in Time for mapping
The poetic in the work of Tim Robinson

Descartes’ of revisiting Paris as an older man and of remembering a youthful visit to that capital of world culture. The older man comes to the conclusion, ‘There is no capital of the world, neither here nor anywhere else, / And the abolished customs are restored to their small fame / And now I know that the time of human generations is not like / the time of the earth.’16 Robinson has restored to many customs and places in his chosen landscapes ‘their small fame’. He has frequently done so in collaboration with Irish scholars, and with country people who have conserved

in Unfolding Irish landscapes