Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
R.M. Liuzza

Long before the invention of the mechanical clock, the monastic computes offered a model of time that was visible, durable, portable and objectifiable. The development of ‘temporal literacy’ among the Anglo-Saxons involved not only the measurement of time but also the ways in which the technologies used to measure and record time — from sundials and church bells to calendars and chronicles — worked to create and reorder cultural capital, and add new scope and range to the life of the imagination. Techniques of time measurement are deeply implicated in historical consciousness and the assertion of identity; this paper proposes some avenues of exploration for this topic among the Anglo-Saxons.

Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
Kathleen W. Christian

Marcantonio Raimondis so-called Caryatid Façade has received scant attention, yet it occupies an important place in the printmakers oeuvre and was widely admired and imitated in the sixteenth century. The image, which features an architectural façade adorned with Caryatid and Persian porticoes and an oversized female capital, does not fit easily with the usual narrative about Raimondis career in Rome, summed up in Vasaris account that he collaborated with Raphael to publicise the masters storie. Rather than being an illustration of a religious or mythological subject, it brings together architectural fantasia, archaeology and Vitruvian studies, reflecting on the origins of the orders and the nature of architectural ornament. Arguably, it is also an indirect trace of Raphaels unfinished projects to reconstruct Rome and to collaborate with humanist Fabio Calvo and others on a new, illustrated edition of Vitruvius.

Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
Abstract only
Carmen M. Mangion

flavour. Rituals such as the Quarant’ Ore, devotions to the Virgin Mary, the renewal of baptismal vows, frequent communion and jubilant processions with lights and banners were the outward signs of Catholicism and reflected continental influences that were not favoured by ‘Old Catholics’. Men like Henry Manning, John Henry Newman and W.G. Ward, converts from the Anglican Church, enhanced the intellectual capital of English Roman Catholics, whose theological rigour was considered defunct and derelict.46 While these are broad categorisations, they are requisite to

in Contested identities
Carmen M. Mangion

, declared that: The middle classes, till now almost neglected in England, form the mass and staple of our society, are the ‘higher class’ of our great congregations out of the capital, have to provide us with our priesthood, our confraternities, and our working religious.129 Middle- and upper-class young women who attended boarding schools were considered suitable candidates for religious life.130 126 Walsh, 2002, p. 172. 127 RLR: Mother Imelda, ‘Sevenoaks’. 128 The Life of Madame de Bonnault d’Houët: Foundress of the Society of the Faithful Companions of Jesus (Dublin

in Contested identities
Abstract only
Carmen M. Mangion

-class women’s experiences and power and has noted that ‘upper middle-class women cooperated and participated with men to achieve control managing the cultural capital that secured their own pre-eminence and authority in contrast to both the working class and the lower-middle classes’.77 This aspect of power pertained to religious communities as well, and it was most clearly seen in congregations with a lay-choir dichotomy. Choir sisters used their status and their class to uphold their power in the congregation. Their dominance was reflected in the ways in which the lay

in Contested identities
Abstract only
Carmen Mangion

Religious sisters and nuns, known collectively as women religious, 1 have always operated in a liminal place in church and popular culture. Nuns for centuries maintained a spiritual capital that gave them a special role in the life of the Catholic Church. Though some individual abbesses may have wielded significant power, women religious were never canonically members of the clergy. They had, however, in popular understanding, a ‘higher calling’. 2 Through the institutions they managed, female religious had enormous influence in shaping generations of

in Catholic nuns and sisters in a secular age
Abstract only
Post-war modernity and religious vocations
Carmen Mangion

, given her cohort, they often reference the excitement of the foreign missions, a theme not mentioned often in my interviews. She also describes parental responses as ‘ambiguous’ but mentions the symbolic capital of having a daughter in religious life in Ireland. McKenna, Made Holy , pp. 55–71. 66 Anonymised interview. According to Tranter, Irish parents were likely to protest when their daughters were sent to faraway missions to North America and Australia. Janice Tranter , ‘ The Irish Dimension of an Australian Religious Sisterhood: The Sisters of Saint

in Catholic nuns and sisters in a secular age
Abstract only
Changing ministries
Carmen Mangion

visible than when they had managed large-scale institutions. 135 In the process they went from conversion and salvation to creating active, informed citizens; and whether in foreign missions like Peru or in Catholic schoolrooms, they sought to build ‘social capital’: networks, confidence, skills and knowledge. Conclusion Journalist George Scott, in his 1967 report on ‘R.C.s’ explained that ‘Roman Catholics, as a community, are only just starting to catch up with the idea of social action’. 136 By the 1970s and 1980s, despite diminishing numbers women religious

in Catholic nuns and sisters in a secular age
Stephen Penn

be governed capitally under the one that is notionally God. 37 The relationship between priest and monarch i) On the Office of the King , ch. 6 (extract). Latin text: De Officio Regis , pp. 137–44. Wyclif here offers a focused examination of the relationship between regal and ecclesiastical power. In what is presented as a response to a hypothetical objection raised against him, he challenges the opinion, articulated in the second and the third parts of the

in John Wyclif