achieves through a lengthy process of practices, actions, and lifestyle
performances that must then be evaluated by the squatters movement as
Achieving the status of authentic squatter requires, first,
the ability to demonstrate a complicated mix of functional skills and
activist performances with a sense of naturalness and ease –
which I term squatter capital.
The second characteristic of authenticity is how a squatter
defines themselves, in hostile opposition, to a series of imagined
This book is an ethnographic study of the internal dynamics of a subcultural community that defines itself as a social movement. While the majority of scholarly studies on this movement focus on its official face, on its front stage, this book concerns itself with the ideological and practical paradoxes at work within the micro-social dynamics of the backstage, an area that has so far been neglected in social movement studies. The central question is how hierarchy and authority function in a social movement subculture that disavows such concepts. The squatters’ movement, which defines itself primarily as anti-hierarchical and anti-authoritarian, is profoundly structured by the unresolved and perpetual contradiction between both public disavowal and simultaneous maintenance of hierarchy and authority within the movement. This study analyzes how this contradiction is then reproduced in different micro-social interactions, examining the methods by which people negotiate minute details of their daily lives as squatter activists in the face of a funhouse mirror of ideological expectations reflecting values from within the squatter community, that, in turn, often refract mainstream, middle class norms.
The tale of transnational advocacy networks (TANs) is typically one of non-state actors reshaping world politics through the power of persuasion and principled ideas. This book is about the unromantic and often uncomfortable realities of transnational advocacy in a strong authoritarian state and rising world power. Drawing together case studies that span a range of issues, repertoires, and results of advocacy, it elaborates the constitutive role of the state in contemporary transnational activism. Because transnational networks are significant globally and domestically, the book speaks to students of comparative and international politics, bridging what is treated here as a superficial divide between the sub-fields. It discusses the campaigns around justice for Falun Gong and the strengthening of intellectual property rights in China. The book then traces the campaign around HIV/AIDS treatment, and the effort to abolish capital punishment in China. In the campaign for Tibetan independence, Chinese intransigence on the matter of national sovereignty for Tibet produced a split within the TAN. The book argues that that TANs can be effective when a legitimacy-seeking state deems the adoption of new policy positions in a given issue area to be critical for the preservation of its own moral authority and power monopoly. The key to working more effectively in China, therefore, is to recognize the source of Chinese Communist Party legitimacy and the connectedness of an issue to it. Those wishing to approach China recognize and take seriously the Chinese power to shape global issues and campaigns in support of them.
integration debates and goals cannot be meaningfully detached from the
social inclusion goals understood to apply to Irish citizens. The c onversations
about integration conducted from different angles in different chapters are
variously framed in conceptual debates about social capital, cultural capital,
human capital and human capability. Wherever possible the focus is on
specific case studies; here I draw on the recent work of a large number of other
researchers as well as specific research on immigration, well-being and social
inclusion and immigrant participation in
social policy debates. Social capital as he understands it has not just come to be
emphasised as a key resource in the promotion of social cohesion; as a shorthand for social glue it has come to actually define social cohesion.1 A third
vantage point – the big international debate offstage about the crisis of multiculturalism – has clearly contributed to Irish debates about immigration and
integration; how and to what extent are considered separately in Chapter 6.
Such large-scale immigration as
-labouring class change.
Class relations have been analysed primarily in terms of changing
forms of domination and exploitation, and the ways in which they are
mediated by forms of collective action and the state. As the bases of
classes of labour’s reproduction and patterns of capitalist accumulation are modified, so too are the ways in which labour is controlled and
is able to seek concessions from capital and the state. Differences have
been shown between villages where classes of labour are integrated into
non-agricultural labour markets as commuters to nearby cities, or as
that to hold a position of disavowed authority, the criteria for
which I will detail presently, is even more contentious. As stated
earlier, achieving authenticity as a squatter is a double process of
exhibiting a number of skills and competencies that accumulate squatter
capital in addition to being recognized by others as
“real” or authentic by exhibiting mastery and rejection of
acknowledged systems of taste and values as well as by negatively
identifying against various groups.
Similarly, to inhabit
are fundamental to the structure of the squatters movement in Amsterdam.
Living groups within squatted households who identify as part of the
squatters movement, 1 consequently both reflect
and refract larger movement dynamics of hierarchy and authority. They
reflect the standards of a larger movement in the sense that
one’s squatter capital contributes to one’s status
position within a squatted household. They refract in that within a
household, the highest values are to maintain a lively and peaceful
hurricanes and other troublesome phenomena understood to be the fault of “nature” were becoming, the insurance and reinsurance industries concluded that they might be in trouble as climate change produced more droughts, floods, and storms. They needed to spread the risk of expensive, weather-related disasters out beyond the traditional insurance markets, over a much, much larger pool of financial capital. The global pool of capital operative in insurance and reinsurance is about $350–$400 billion. For most of us, this sounds like quite a sum, but one Katrina costs insurers
Crass, subculture and class:
the milieu culture of DIY
This chapter presents an account of the activities and social formation of the
DIY punk band Crass in order to develop a critique of the notion of ‘subculture’
employed at the time of the group’s existence (1977–85) by the Birmingham
University Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS). It supplies
a narrative of how the band and the cultural movement known as `anarchopunk’ provided a ‘milieu’ where class identities could blend and develop hybrid
forms of cultural and social capital.1