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. Strong criticism was often tempered with a laugh in the storytelling, but suggests either the penetration of elements of anti-Allied propaganda, or of rumours, as well as a less than perfect trust in France’s ‘friends’. One interviewee asked insistently why the Allies had not bombed a particular factory, surmising: ‘English capital – so they never bombed it.’ He also pondered over why the Germans had bombed Citroën, and the Allies did not: ‘Citroën, that was Jewish capital […] It was English and American capital.’3 Attributing to the bombers more accuracy than they

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45

conflict. The conflict on Volokolamsk Highway is thus a collision between the military order to execute and the commander’s right to pardon his subordinate; both are legal rules. The right to pardon is a legal rule that represents non-​law within the law –​and reframes the real social conflict as a legal collision. Dealing with such collisions is the everyday business of law. Marx had already put it in trenchant terms: “A struggle” is waged “between collective capital, i.e., the class of capitalists, and collective labour, i.e., the working-​class” –​“right against right

in Law and violence
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his cue from literature, from a play in which an officer needs to make a decision about the behavior of a renegade soldier in a situation where the troops under the officer’s command need to defend the capital against the invasion of a powerful foreign army, Menke explores the utopian potential of an alternative, or of the fact that 201 Self-reflection 201 two equally persuasive but mutually exclusive possibilities indicate ways of dealing with a situation that are no longer indebted to a logic of sovereignty, which is a logic of violence and tautological

in Law and violence
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over the dead, Bernard clearing bombsites. The broader Parisian experience is reflected in the words of Max Potter who lived in the railway district of La Chapelle, near the Gare du Nord. Max’s mother was left alone to look after her son and daughter while her English husband, a Daily Mail journalist, was interned. In the Paris region, these children and young adolescents were not bombed regularly. However, the impact of what they did suffer from 1942 onwards is clear in narratives that reverberate with the shock of such unexpected attacks on the French capital

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
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measures – for example, blackout, gas mask and bomb shelter provision, sand distribution, clearance, poison gas disinfection, specialist training and coordination of first aiders, firefighters – as well as the body that coordinated them (défense passive for the measures and Défense Passive – capital letters – for the organising body). All told, the image projected was of protected borders and an active air defence. If everything was so well planned, surely there was a contradiction in the idea of défense passive that required the population to participate in its own

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45

Bramé and Andréa Cousteaux in Brest recounted with pride their small own acts of defiance in the face of German soldiers; as we have seen too, Bernard Bauwens and Robert Belleuvre participated in civil defence activities with their youth groups. Michel Thomas said that he listened to Radio-Paris and even read collaborationist newspapers: ‘I was outraged by them. But I read them nonetheless.’ This compulsion to learn, even from despicable sources, showed that accessing information was, in Michel’s words, ‘capital’. The Thomas brothers were not alone. Jean Caniot (Lille

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
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A conclusion

and the state. An idea of ‘Blitz spirit’ to describe a community facing this shared peril could well be applied to French localities under the bombs. Social capital was a vital resource. People derived v 219 v Conclusion reassurance from the group in communal bomb shelters, they helped clear their own streets and dug out their neighbours, and provided ad hoc or more permanent accommodation to bombed-out friends and family. Some of this solidarity extended beyond the local community; thus, one impact of bombing was to draw the nation together to support its victims

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45

– the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO). Five years earlier, Israeli forces had entered Lebanese territory where the PLO had carved an autonomous region in the country’s capital. Responding to border attacks, Israeli military leaders seized the opportunity to oust the PLO leaders off its Northern border. The PLO’s reaction to Israel’s frontal assault undermined its legitimacy in the eyes of many

in Political cartoons and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict

prisoners was not based merely upon ‘moral authority’, also owing something to fear within the community of the possibility of strong sanctions for local ‘transgressors’. This also raises questions about who will take over prisoners’ roles and position within their communities in future years and whether the social capital they have built up through intra-community and inter-community work will remain

in Abandoning historical conflict?
Israeli security experience as an international brand

call the ‘Israeli security experience’ (ISE) is exported and branded internationally by distributing it to other countries and thus making it mobile. I conceptualise this as ‘security capital’ and use this concept as an analytical tool to understand these processes. At the heart of the increasing popularity of PSCs in general are perceptions of increasing risk, insecurity, and fear. Not

in Security/ Mobility