than concentrated in Belfast as happened later. As prices rose in the
last quarter of the century, and especially during the Napoleonic Wars
when the peak of prosperity was reached, capital accumulation went on
apace. 4 Though
dependent to a large extent on the English economy, the importance of
the Atlantic trade gave Irish entrepreneurs familiarity with distant
markets and incidentally
Real and imagined boundaries between metropole and empire in 1920s Marseilles
Yaël Simpson Fletcher
empire for Marseilles, and the centrality of Marseilles
for the empire. Yet the easy movement of imperial subjects into, within and across the
spaces of the city conveyed another message.
The Catholic conservative George Valois called Marseilles ‘a colonial
city, ... [like] a capital of the French colonial empire’. 74 But the city’s undoubted economic significance
was not so readily translated into cultural capital. Rather, the identification of
Marseilles with the colonies became a handicap, virtually disqualifying the
This book deals with the planning culture and architectural endeavours that shaped the model space of French colonial Dakar, a prominent city in West Africa. With a focus on the period from the establishment of the city in the mid-nineteenth century until the interwar years, our involvement with the design of Dakar as a regional capital reveals a multiplicity of 'top-down' and 'bottom-up' dynamics. These include a variety of urban politics, policies, practices and agencies, and complex negotiations at both the physical and conceptual levels. The study of the extra-European planning history of Europe has been a burgeoning field in scholarly literature, especially in the last few decades. There is a clear tendency within this literature, however, to focus on the more privileged colonies in the contemporary colonial order of preference, such as British India and the French colonies in North Africa. Colonial urban space in sub-Saharan Africa has accordingly been addressed less. With a rich variety of historical material and visual evidence, the book incorporates both primary and secondary sources, collected from multilateral channels in Europe and Senegal. It includes an analysis of a variety of planning and architectural models, both metropolitan and indigenous. Of interest to scholars in history, geography, architecture, urban planning, African studies and Global South studies – this book is also one of the pioneers in attesting to the connection between the French colonial doctrines of assimilation and association and French colonial planning and architectural policies in sub-Saharan Africa.
imperial audience, Macartney received strong hints that the embassy should leave Beijing immediately, as its official business had been concluded. In early October, Macartney felt obliged to request permission to depart from the Chinese capital. Although the Qing government treated the British very well during the embassy's return journey across China (partly to prevent them from causing trouble), none of its primary goals had been achieved.
As a monumental event in the history of Sino-Western encounters, the Macartney embassy has attracted extensive
’ (changed from ‘Australia for Australians’ in 1886). It had been one of the fundamental conditions of Federation, especially for workers fearful of capital's inclination to replace them with cheaper imported labour from Asian countries.
The classic cartoon illustration of this attitude is Phil May's great and terrible Mongolian Octopus, given a full two-page spread ( Figure 14.1 ).
The iconography of Anglo-American inter-imperialism
foreign capital on US politics.
Wilbur Steele, ‘The Tory is Still Here’, Rocky Mountain News [Denver, CO], 16 June 1895, p. 1.
Britain's worst excesses were often highlighted by American cartoonists in the rampaging
Sarukhan’s al-Masri Effendi cartoons in the first half of the
’ of the 1930s as the central force of political culture. However, as compelling as such a reading is, it tells only part of the story. Al-Masri Effendi was not just an expression of the effendiyya , or of the platform on which he appeared (the journalistic venture initiative by effendi s and for effendi s). He was not just a sign; he was a caricatured type , which had its own interpretive dimensions, who differed from the concepts it allegedly was meant to represent. This aspect of the imagined type was the product of the worldview and cultural capital of the
shape Britain's response to the anti-Armenian pogrom in the Ottoman capital should take, among which was Queen Victoria's recommendation to him that the Dardanelles Straits be occupied by British forces (a rather radical idea for a generally unradical monarch).
The article continued:
Sir John Tenniel in this week's Punch may depict ‘Ultimatum’ as a bull-dog ready to be let loose, and irresistible by any worn-out dragon, but the Foreign Secretary
Asia’, where life was ‘not African’ and the ancient
capital, Stone Town, was ‘[e]ssentially … an Arab
Although Zanzibar was defined as one set of islands, it
contained various well-established communities. Most were comprised of
Africans of Bantu origin, but these were increasingly joined by Africans
of various ethnic groups from the mainland. The next biggest group were
conducted in Tongzhou, twelve miles from the capital. The emperor deputed two mandarins of very high rank, Duke Ho (He Shitai) and Duke Moo (Muke Deng’e),
to meet the British delegation. According to the accounts of the Amherst embassy, in the first of the two meetings, the dukes adopted a haughty manner. They maintained that under no circumstances would the Qing court dispense with its established usages. When Amherst referred to Macartney's example, Ho asserted that, for one thing, the present emperor had declared