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This article discusses how Armenians have collected, displayed and exchanged the bones of their murdered ancestors in formal and informal ceremonies of remembrance in Dayr al-Zur, Syria – the final destination for hundreds of thousands of Armenians during the deportations of 1915. These pilgrimages – replete with overlapping secular and nationalist motifs – are a modern variant of historical pilgrimage practices; yet these bones are more than relics. Bone rituals, displays and vernacular memorials are enacted in spaces of memory that lie outside of official state memorials, making unmarked sites of atrocity more legible. Vernacular memorial practices are of particular interest as we consider new archives for the history of the Armenian Genocide. The rehabilitation of this historical site into public consciousness is particularly urgent, since the Armenian Genocide Memorial Museum and Martyr’s Church at the centre of the pilgrimage site were both destroyed by ISIS (Islamic State in Syria) in 2014.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
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The first Dutch excavation in Italy, 1952–58

4 Digging dilettanti: the first Dutch excavation in Italy, 1952–58 Arthur Weststeijn and Laurien de Gelder What determines the possibility of an archaeological excavation abroad and its success? In September 1952, when two Dutch archaeologists with little experience on the ground started digging underneath the Santa Prisca church on the Aventine hill in Rome, this seemingly trivial question loomed large over their pioneering efforts. For decades, Rome had been the obvious centre of all archaeological attention worldwide – but the Eternal City was essentially

in Communities and knowledge production in archaeology
The tower house complex and rural settlement

distinctiveness is testament to the tower house's unique role as a settlement form transcending common medieval social signifiers. It also suggests a shared material culture. Here, the tower house parallels the parish church, which is commonly studied in other European and British contexts as a built form transcending other divides ( ibid .). We need to view the castle and the landscape and settlement features in its vicinity as interconnected, and that is the approach of this chapter in examining the rural landscape elements surrounding the tower

in The Irish tower house

, the ‘very large’ Tomb IV belonging to the ªry-pdt Tutu son of Rahotep, Tomb V belonging to the ªm-ntr tp Nana and the ‘great’ Tomb VI), although he recognised that Tomb VII, with its portico with massive polygonal columns and containing a Coptic church in its main hall, inscribed for the ª3ty-‘ Nakht-Ankh, was clearly Middle Kingdom in date. Petrie at Deir Rifeh When Petrie also returned to Rifeh, in 1906, his main concern was the excavation of the cemetery which lay below the rock-cut tombs, and not these tombs themselves (which he notes were still ‘fully occupied

in Mummies, magic and medicine in ancient Egypt

foremost scholars of urban medieval Ireland, defines a town as: a settlement occupying a central position in a communications network, represented by a street pattern with houses and their associated land plots whose density is significantly greater than the settlements immediately around it … it incorporates a market place and a church and its principal functions are reflected by the presence of at least three of the following: town walls, a castle, bridge, cathedral, a house belonging to one of the religious

in The Irish tower house

and II undertook quite extensive restoration and building work after the Persian the monuments of unnefer 61 Period, and at Abydos this included the Small Temple as well as the Osiris Temple. Material from Abydos was removed before the nineteenth century for re-use, and elements were utilised in the White Monastery Church of Saint Shenoute at Sohag and are also found in the monastery remains. A fragment of a naos of Nectanebo I has been recorded in the Yale White Monastery Project as lying in the church narthex after a previous repaving of the nave (Klotz 2011

in Mummies, magic and medicine in ancient Egypt
Interactional strategies in late-nineteenth-century Classical archaeology: the case of Adolf Furtwängler

.indd 130 03/12/2019 08:56 ‘More feared than loved’131 have made Furtwängler place himself outside and at times even in open conflict with sections of this community and some of its key members, and he was in turn socially isolated by many of his colleagues (Reinach, 1907b; Bissing, 1907; Hauser, 1908; Church, 1908; Furtwängler, 1965: 231f.). But he was never or rarely marginalised as a scholar, rather the opposite: Furtwängler in fact managed to be both ‘feared and respected by all’ (Reinach, 1907b) or rather, ‘more feared than loved’ (Perrot, 1900), and his work was

in Communities and knowledge production in archaeology
Abstract only

backgrounds, while people from other social backgrounds, both rural and urban, lived around them. Few other monument types are this numerous while being a part of everyday life for so many people. Perhaps the only potential parallel is parish churches, but their survival is less evenly spread than the tower house and they tell us only of religious life. As tower houses were occupied by merchants, we could perceive them as having some overlap with vernacular architecture. In Ireland, we have no upstanding medieval vernacular buildings surviving; our knowledge of them instead

in The Irish tower house
Tower houses and waterways

politically stable Pale. It stands to reason that, outside of the Pale, endemic low-level violence rendered land travel more hazardous, especially to merchants transporting sought-after goods. There are several references within the registers of the archbishops of Armagh to providing safe passage for merchants and traders travelling through Gaelic-Irish areas. The effectiveness of these notes of safe passage can be debated, but that these foreign merchants appealed to the highest-ranking church official in Ireland indicates the fragmented nature of the Gaelic lordships at

in The Irish tower house
Environment and economy

were relied upon, such as toll imposition and aquatic resource exploitation. The profits from these could be substantial, as O'Sullivan wrote: ‘fishing provided food for rich and poor, an income for fishermen, shipowners and merchants and taxes for church and lay authorities’ (2003: 462). The importance of water to castles has been investigated before, though such study pales in comparison to the number of works conducted on their terrestrial environments. A major conclusion of McManama-Kearin's castle-siting study (2013) was that proximity to water was a major

in The Irish tower house