Editor’s Introduction

entitlements that transcend national citizenship ( Moyn, 2010 ). In his inaugural address, in January 1977, President Jimmy Carter declared that ‘Our commitment to human rights must be absolute’ (quoted in Moyn, 2014: 69 ). Under the guardianship of the UN, following the UDHR in 1948, the concept of human rights had lacked prescriptive force; only once adopted by the US as an instrument of order and hegemony did it become the basis for a global movement. For many liberal commentators at the turn of the 1990s, the collapse of the Soviet Union

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

the Soviet army. With the migration crisis, such contradictions are quite simply unsustainable. In the Global South, a European aid worker is just that: an aid worker, not a citizen. To be clear, this does not mean that a relief worker is unlikely to have strong political and moral views about what is going on in the country in which she or he is working; to the contrary, such a person will almost certainly have very passionate opinions and convictions. What she or he does not have is the moral obligation to take a political stance that citizenship

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Digital Bodies, Data and Gifts

interests are not paramount ( Wissinger, 2017 ). These questions are also highly pertinent in the humanitarian, where the risks are greater and the power of users (as consumers and citizens) much less. It has been noted that the literature on datafied self-care focuses overwhelmingly on wealthy, educated, cosmopolitan citizens and themes relevant to their everyday lives and perceptions of citizenship. Thus, the distinction commonly drawn between ‘data rich’ governments

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

practicality prevents it). This is the same foundational commitment that animates human rights work. The humanist core to both of these forms of social practice is a similar kind of belief in the ultimate priority of moral claims made by human beings as human beings rather than as possessors of any markers of identity or citizenship. What differences exist between humanitarianism and human rights are largely sociological – the contextual specifics of the evolution of two different forms of social activism. I have argued elsewhere, for example, that the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

In recent years, exhumation campaigns of mass graves resulting from the armed conflict (1980–2000) between the Maoist guerrillas of PCP-Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso) and the States armed forces have increased in Peru. People in rural Andes, the most marginalised sectors of national society, which were also particularly affected by the war, are the main group concerned with exhumations. This article examines the handling, flow and re-appropriation of exhumed human remains in public space to inform sociopolitical issues underlying the reparation policies implemented by the State, sometimes with the support of human rights NGOs. How do the families of victims become involved in this unusual return of their dead? Have the exhumations become a new repertoire of collective action for Andean people seeking to access their fundamental rights and for recognition of their status as citizens? Finally, what do these devices that dignify the dead reveal about the internal workings of Peruvian society – its structural inequities and racism – which permeate the social fabric?

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal

The article will present the findings of ethnographic research into the Colombian and Mexican forensic systems, introducing the first citizen-led exhumation project made possible through the cooperation of scholars, forensic specialists and interested citizens in Mexico. The coupling evolution and mutual re-constitution of forensic science will be explored, including new forms of citizenship and nation building projects – all approached as lived experience – in two of Latin America‘s most complex contexts: organised crime and mass death.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal

British sovereignty over Ireland. Those who drafted the Constitution wanted to make sure that the people knew that they were the sovereign power and that the Constitution was for them. This is one of the reasons why the popular sovereignty provision was so important and why so many other provisions flow from it. Irish citizenship The Irish citizenship provision, like Article 2, backed up the claims of the Treaty supporters that the Irish Free State was a distinct and sovereign nation. Kohn lists a distinctive Irish citizenship as the primary inference to be drawn from

in Drafting the Irish Free State Constitution

document was written by Douglas and it appears that it was drawn up as a result of questions put to Collins by Douglas rather than something which Collins deliberately circulated to the members.39 Nevertheless, these ‘suggestions’ obviously had an effect as the document disseminated by Figgis directed the future drafting work. Essentially, the document comprised seven chapters: 1. A preamble which would also briefly enunciate the rights of the people. 2. A general chapter dealing with matters such as the flag, citizenship and right of free assembly etc. 3. The

in Drafting the Irish Free State Constitution
Abstract only

expression18 and free primary education,19 and, while there is no general equality provision, Article 3, which contains the citizenship provision, also provides that all ‘men and women have as citizens the same rights’ and in Article 5 there is a prohibition on titles of honour. The Committee felt strongly about this last provision and it appears that, at the time, equality between the various strata of society was of more pressing interest than equality between the sexes20 (although, as we will see below, Draft C covers both areas). In this section also, the Irish

in Drafting the Irish Free State Constitution

by the Cabinet, insisted on definite answers to six questions: 1. Was the Irish Free State to be within the Empire on the basis of common ­citizenship or merely associated with it? Curran, Birth of the Irish Free State, 210. CAB43/7, 80. 46 CAB43/7, 82. 47 Principal Assistant Secretary to Lloyd George. Both men were Welsh and had a close relationship. 48 Thomas Jones, Whitehall Diary: Vol III Ireland 1918–1925 (London, 1971), 208. Lloyd George had asked, during a Cabinet meeting, whether the Irish realised how close to a break they were. 49 CAB23

in Drafting the Irish Free State Constitution