Challenges to national citizenship
It is clear from the experience of the United States and Britain that the possession of
full, formal citizenship does not impede the development of multiply disadvantaged
ethnocultural minorities. (Brubaker, 1998, p. 137)
An effect of the popularity of “multicultural” or postcolonial texts is the questioning of fixed and self-evident notions of nationality and citizenship. After
decolonization, writers in newly independent countries like Kenya, India or
Algeria made nationalism an important issue in their writing. This was
Citizenship v. religion in the school
curricula of the 2000s
This chapter will examine how general policy orientations were translated into
school curricula in the late 1990s and 2000s with regard to cultural and religious matters. Can these curricula be said to demonstrate a pluralist transition,
or even revolution, as compared with the still strongly Christian educational
message of the 1970s? We will consider the school curricula as statements of
intent on the part of Irish public institutions.
As Fionnuala Waldron remarked in her analysis of Irish
Separate but equal? Schools and the politics of religion and diversity in the Republic of Ireland focuses on the historical and current place of religion in the Irish education system from the perspective of children’s rights and citizenship. It offers a critical analysis of the political, cultural and social forces that have perpetuated the patronage system, looks at the ways in which the denominational model has been adapted to increased religious and cultural diversity in Irish society and shows that recent changes have failed to address persistent discrimination and the absence of respect for freedom of conscience. It relates current debates on the denominational system and the role of the State in education to Irish political thought and conceptions of national identity in Ireland, showing the ways in which such debates reflect a tension between nationalist-communitarian and republican political outlooks. There have been efforts towards accommodation and against instances of discrimination within the system, but Irish educational structures still privilege communal and private interests and hierarchies over equal rights, either in the name of a de facto ‘majority’ right to religious domination or by virtue of a deeply flawed and limited view of ‘parental choice’.
Identity is contingent and dynamic, constituting and reconstituting subjects with political effects. This book explores the implications of Protestant and 'British' incursions for the development of Irish Catholic identity as preserved in Irish language texts from the early modern period until the end of Stuart pretensions. Questions of citizenship, belonging, migration, conflict, security, peace and subjectivity are examined through social construction, post-colonialism, and gendered lenses from an interdisciplinary perspective. The book explains the issue of cultural Catholicism in the later middle ages, by way of devotional cults and practices. It examines Catholic unionism vis-a-vis Victorian politics, military and imperial service, the crown, and the position of the Catholic Church with relation to the structures of the state in Ireland. In particular the North American experience and especially the importance of the USA for consolidating a particular interpretation of Irish Catholic nationalist identity, is explored. Children studied in English Catholic public schools like Stonyhurst and Downside where the establishment Irish Catholics and rising mercantile classes sought to have the characteristics of the Catholic gentleman instilled in their progeny. The book sets out to detect the voices of those Catholic women who managed to make themselves heard by a wider audience than family and friends in Ireland in the years between the Act of Union of 1800 and independence/partition. It considers what devotional interests both Gaelic Irish and Anglo-Norman actually shared in common as part of a wider late medieval Catholic culture.
The book analyses why religious and racial minorities in Britain and France are unable to integrate into the nation-state. By examining their religious and cultural integration as well as their postcolonial status, I make the argument that historical attitudes towards postcolonial minorities make it very hard for them to be integrated into national life even as they become legal citizens.
law and secular morality creates a new kind
of autonomy, or potential autonomy, for persons in relation to authority itself. We
also ﬁnd a growing gap between those modern nation-states which have accepted
the ideal of moving towards secular egalitarian citizenship, and some which have
adopted or are planning citizenship founded on the socio-legal framework of one
or other of the major organised religions. At the same time, I do not need to remind
readers of the astonishing degree of population movement between countries
which is now a part of the world we live in
The tendency among ethnic minority Muslim immigrant communities in Europe towards identification with Islam as a marker of identity is discussed in an array of studies, but seldom have they explained sufficiently how the change took place. Islam and Identity Politics among British-Bangladeshis: A Leap of Faith probes the causes of and conditions for the preference of the members of the British-Bangladeshi community for a religion-based identity vis-à-vis ethnicity-based identity, and the influence of Islamists in shaping the discourse. It also examines whether this salience of Muslim identity is a precursor to a new variant of diasporic Islam. Islam and Identity Politics delves into the micro-level dynamics, the internal and external factors and the role of the state and locates these within the broad framework of Muslim identity and Islamism, citizenship and the future of multiculturalism in Europe.
/challenges for the community and the British state. One set of questions involves the choice of
the community: Do the majority of members of the community favour a
fusion of religion and political activism? Should religion be the marker
of their identity? The other set of questions is about issues related to
the policies of the state: Does the British state continue to pursue the
policies that facilitated the rise of the Islamists? Importantly, what is
the future of multiculturalism in Britain? How will the issue of religion,
citizenship and the multiple identities of the
, pp. 2–3.
187 A. D. Lindsay, ‘Christian Individualism and Scientific Individualism’, in Democracy, Should It Survive? (London: Dennis Dobson, 1946), pp. 118–26.
188 Moyn, Christian Human Rights , pp. 124–5.
189 Rob Freathy, ‘The Triumph of Religious Education for Citizenship in English Schools, 1935–1949’, History of Education: Journal of the History of Education Society , 37:2 (2008), 295–316 (p. 303).
190 Guardian , 19 April 1940, p. 191.
191 William Temple, The Crisis of the Western World and Other Broadcast Talks (London: George Allen & Unwin
, he was a
public advocate, who spoke and wrote to support or oppose particular
ideas and movements. Second, he used his ofﬁcial position in the United
Synagogue to launch or prevent developments and initiatives, and to
control the activities of ministers under his aegis. Finally, Hertz used
the prestige of his person and ofﬁce to inﬂuence events even where he
lacked direct authority. Emancipation did not only restrict the power
of rabbis; it also increased their responsibilities. If Jews were seen to
be enjoying the rights of citizenship without fulﬁlling their