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Carmen M. Mangion

7 Class and ethnicity The theme of perfection resonates throughout the nineteenth-century writings of and about women religious. Catherine McAuley reminded the Sisters of Mercy that ‘Religion refines and elevates the character. A perfect Religious is a perfect lady.’1 Thomas Marshall, one of Her Majesty’s Inspectors of Schools, saw women religious as: belonging to a higher grade of society – this is almost universally the case in female communities – yet in the previous cultivation of their minds, the possession of more ample attainments, and a far more careful

in Contested identities
A political history
Author:

This exploration of one of the most concentrated immigrant communities in Britain combines a new narrative history, a theoretical analysis of the evolving relationship between progressive left politics and ethnic minorities, and a critique of political multiculturalism. Its central concern is the perennial question of how to propagate an effective radical politics in a multicultural society: how to promote greater equality that benefits both ethnic minorities and the wider population, and why so little has been achieved. It charts how the Bengali Muslims in London’s East End have responded to the pulls of class, ethnicity and religion; and how these have been differently reinforced by wider political movements. Drawing on extensive recorded interviews, ethnographic observation, and long sorties into the local archives, it recounts and analyses the experiences of many of those who took part in over six decades of political history that range over secular nationalism, trade unionism, black radicalism, mainstream local politics, Islamism, and the rise and fall of the Respect Coalition. Through this Bengali case study and examples from wider immigrant politics, it traces the development and adoption of the concepts of popular frontism and revolutionary stages theory and of the identity politics that these ideas made possible. It demonstrates how these theories and tactics have cut across class-based organisation and acted as an impediment to tackling cross-cultural inequality; and it argues instead for a left alternative that addresses fundamental socio-economic divisions.

Elliot Vernon

ministers and elders from the four unformed classes attended the Provincial assembly in the later 1650s only in an informal capacity. 26 More individuals were involved at the parish or classical level than were delegated to the meetings of the Provincial assembly: for example an additional five ministers and twenty-two elders attended meetings of the fourth classis. 27 Nehemiah Wallington, who served his parish of St Leonard, Eastcheap, the fourth classis and was delegated fifteen times to the London Provincial assembly, provides a

in London presbyterians and the British revolutions, 1638–64
Catholic women religious in nineteenth-century England and Wales

Roman Catholic women's congregations are an enigma of nineteenth century social history. Over 10,000 women, establishing and managing significant Catholic educational, health care and social welfare institutions in England and Wales, have virtually disappeared from history. In nineteenth-century England, representations of women religious were ambiguous and contested from both within and without the convent. This book places women religious in the centre of nineteenth-century social history and reveals how religious activism shaped the identity of Catholic women religious. It is devoted to evolution of religious life and the early monastic life of the women. Catholic women were not pushed into becoming women religious. On the basis of their available options, they chose a path that best suited their personal, spiritual, economic and vocational needs. The postulancy and novitiate period formed a rite of passage that tested the vocation of each aspirant. The book explores the religious activism of women religious through their missionary identity and professional identity. The labour of these women was linked to their role as evangelisers. The book deals with the development of a congregation's corporate identity which brought together a disparate group of women under the banner of religious life. It looks specifically at class and ethnicity and the women who entered religious life, and identifies the source of authority for the congregation and the individual sister.

Elliot Vernon

William Fulke had set out a system for the presbyterian reform of the polity of the national church. These proposals envisaged that each parish church would be governed by a consistory made up of pastors, teachers, elders and deacons. 1 In this scheme, local churches would combine into classes for the ‘mutuall help’ of each church. In turn, these local conferences would elect members to attend biannual provincial synods and ultimately national and ecumenical assemblies. 2 It has sometimes been argued that such higher

in London presbyterians and the British revolutions, 1638–64
Michael Carter-Sinclair

with leaders who challenged each other for supremacy in Austria, such as Richard Steidle, leader in Tyrol, and Walter Pfrimer, leader in Styria. Both men expressed admiration for Mussolini and how he had crushed the left opposition in Italy, removed parliamentary democracy and created a ‘corporate state,’ where representation of the people was allegedly through occupationally based ‘estates’ rather than political parties that were said to pit the interests of classes against those of the nation as a whole. 31 However, if Seipel was hoping for a transformation of

in Vienna’s ‘respectable’ antisemites
Michael Carter-Sinclair

youth and women’s groups, and the charitable Vincent de Paul society. 33 Reichspost claimed that Latschka was known to thousands in Vienna and that he had done much for the working classes. Latschka may have been known to many but, given the limited reach of the Catholic societies that are examined later in this work, his impact on the condition of the working classes would have been negligible, unless his societies were atypical for the time. Proposals that he tabled in the Vienna City Council or at meetings of Catholic societies, such as subsidised mortgages or

in Vienna’s ‘respectable’ antisemites
Michael Carter-Sinclair

1919, this was ‘not the peace we had expected,’ in which all combatant countries shared responsibility for war. 10 Instead, blame went solely to the Central Powers and their allies, who would pay enormous damages for the destruction of the war. Even these were selectively apportioned. Austria and Hungary were classed as guilty; Czechoslovakia and other successors to the Empire were not. 11 On the right, the sense of injustice in Vienna was amplified by the end of an entire world. The Empire had been patriarchal, anchored in hierarchies and had given central

in Vienna’s ‘respectable’ antisemites
,

, warehouses were spreading from the 1780s and by 1825 there were fifty-seven, with one hundred and six firms in Cannon Street alone, and the larger proportion of regional investors’ capital was invested in them. 110 Nor did the prosperous middling class lack culture. The older tradition of balls, assemblies, and theatres was now supplemented by clubs and vehicles for literary and scientific pursuits, as well as libraries and a variety of newspapers. 111 The context in which political and religious developments in the

in Manchester Cathedral
Abstract only
Michael Carter-Sinclair

; and antisemitism, often heavily tinged with an Austrian variant on German nationalism, was a strong force that bound its members together. Christian Socials claimed that this antisemitism was a necessary stance as part of a defence against changes that were sweeping over Vienna and Austria from the middle of the nineteenth century. These changes were economic, as capitalism brought factories and large-scale production which created a new, wealthy capitalist class, at the same time as it threatened the guild systems that were dominated by the lower bourgeoisie

in Vienna’s ‘respectable’ antisemites