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in Insecure Places: 2009 Update: Trends in Violence against Aid Workers and the Operational Response , HPG Policy Brief 34 ( London : Overseas Development Institute ). Stoler , A. L. ( 2010 ), Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power: Race and the Intimate in Colonial Rule ( Berkeley : University of California Press, 2nd
support the agitation for the restructuring of the Federation, but the North, which seems to be benefiting from the present constitutional structure, is opposed to any form of restructuring. So it has been a contentious issue. Fifty years after independence people are still talking about whether the Federation would survive or not. In the past, people were blaming the colonial authorities for the underdevelopment of the country. How long shall we blame colonial rule? Is
This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.
The Arab–Israeli conflict has been at the centre of international affairs for decades. Despite repeated political efforts, the confrontation and casualties continue, especially in fighting between Israelis and Palestinians. This new assessment emphasizes the role that military force plays in blocking a diplomatic resolution. Many Arabs and Israelis believe that the only way to survive or to be secure is through the development, threat, and use of military force and violence. This idea is deeply flawed and results in missed diplomatic opportunities and growing insecurity. Coercion cannot force rivals to sign a peace agreement to end a long-running conflict. Sometimes negotiations and mutual concessions are the key to improving the fate of a country or national movement. Using short historical case studies from the 1950s through to today, the book explores and pushes back against the dominant belief that military force leads to triumph while negotiations and concessions lead to defeat and further unwelcome challenges. In The sword is not enough, we learn both what makes this idea so compelling to Arab and Israeli leaders and how it eventually may get dislodged.
on intercommunal divisions. Some disagreement persists as to the primary driver of these tensions, especially regarding the degree to which they predate British colonial rule. However, two important assumptions are shared. The first is that the two communities are relatively homogeneous. Even when acknowledging the social construction of Greek and Turkish Cypriot identities, extant studies tend to conceptualize and report a shared set of anxieties and preferences for each group. This is particularly evident in studies that draw on public opinion data, which
defined by the legacies of colonial rule. Power dynamics and the wider lessons for research on UK–Africa relations Some of the points raised in this volume in relation to the developmental impacts of Africa’s future trade arrangement with the UK ( Chapter 2 ) are relevant to much wider debates on how Africa can achieve development through trade policy. Brown’s discussion of the Labour Party in Chapter 7 highlights how the Party’s thinking is shifting in relation to these debates. He argues that there is now an
Mitshcerlichs, melancholic reactions are prompted by the loss of a ‘fantasy of omnipotence’, the racial and national fantasies that imperial and colonial power required were (like those of the Aryan master race) predominantly narcissistic. This realisation prompts Gilroy to suggest that, Before the British people can adjust to the horrors of their own modem history and start to build a new national identity from the debris of their broken narcissism, they will have to learn to appreciate the brutalities of colonial rule enacted in their name and to their benefit, to
geostrategic discourse. The Indo-Pacific as an economic concept has existed for centuries. The southernmost region of Vietnam under French colonial rule, for example, was known as Cochin-China to signify the connectivity between the Indian Ocean and South China Sea. During the Cold War, the United States kept India out of the Asia Pacific matrix and after the Sino-Indian war of 1962, which helped to widen the Sino-Soviet wedge, American strategy did not envisage any significant role for India. Washington rarely did much to oppose India’s demand for the Indian Ocean as a
. “It was only under European colonial rule that … introduced the concept of individual, personal identity, together with its collective counterparts, culturally and linguistically distinct tribes and nations,” according to Carola Lentz.4 A good example of this in practice was the “uniting” of various distinct and independent groups in southwest Nigeria by British colonial authorities to produce a new “Yoruba identity”—something that heretofore had not existed. Likewise, African elites, eager to maintain (or even expand) their position and power, often became
hard for a normalisation of Japan–South Korea relations, but have never shown much regard for long-standing Korean hatreds and grievances arising from nearly four decades of Japan’s colonial rule (1910–45). Instead, from the 1940s to the present, Americans have urged Koreans to unite under the fabled US–Japan alliance. This and other important elements of twentieth-century history severely constrained President Park, as she sought to manoeuvre between a voting public that suspected she was pro-Japanese, and an Obama administration that wanted her to ally with Abe