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The book shows how people have come to approach the writing of imperial histories in the early twenty-first century. It explores the social and political contexts that informed the genesis and development of the Studies in Imperialism series, and the conceptual links it has sought to forge between empire and metropolitan culture. The book provides an insightful account of John MacKenzie's 'Orientalism': the problems of 'power' and 'agency'. The 'MacKenziean moment' needs to be read historically, as a product of the 'delayed arrival of decolonising sensibilities', where contemporary popular phenomena and new types of scholarship integrated Britain and its empire. Sexuality made early appearances in the Series through the publication of 'Empire and Sexuality'. MacKenzie's 'Empire of Nature', 'Imperialism and the Natural World', and 'Museums and Empire' convey the impact of his scholarship in the themes of exploration, environment and empire. The historical geographies of British colonialism have enjoyed a prominent place in the Series, and the book explores the ways in which different 'spatial imaginations' have been made possible. Discussions on colonial policing during the depression years, and on immigrant welfare during and after decolonisation, take their cue from MacKenzie's European Empires and the People. The later nineteenth century witnessed the interaction of many diasporas, which in turn produced new modes of communication. By dealing with the idea of the 'Third British Empire' and the role of the Indian press during and after the British Raj, the book repositions British imperial histories within a broader set of global transformations.

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Anna Bocking-Welch

international communication and collaboration represented by the globalising present to mitigate anxieties about the loss of empire. At the heart of this dynamic was the idea of a benevolent global role. Every aspect of the civic international engagement detailed in this book rested on the largely unquestioned assumption that Britain could and should maintain its global influence in the post-imperial era. As scholarship has already shown, this remained an orthodox position within political culture throughout the 1960s. 4 While empire might have come to been

in British civic society at the end of empire
The iconography of Anglo-American inter-imperialism
Stephen Tuffnell

foreign markets and government aid (although it was only ever sporadic at best) to erect the commercial apparatus required to compete with British economic power. Ironically, the industrial growth accelerating the demands of American economic nationalism was dependent on the technologies of trade and communication instrumental to the organisation of the British Empire in the late nineteenth century. 40 As noted above, US commerce not only travelled in British ships, but by 1900, 53 per cent of

in Comic empires
Law between semicolonial China and the Raj
Emily Whewell

subjects, although it is unclear whether this was due to sustained pressure from Macartney. Macartney clearly took his part in the emancipation seriously and felt the right to liberty an essential part of his legal role and British imperial identity. 30 Success of this sort for Macartney was never certain. Due to his status, he relied on Chinese cooperation and when tensions arose between him and Chinese representatives, the communication structures made reporting slow. Several incidents reflected the difficulties he faced. In 1896, Macartney claimed that two local

in Law across imperial borders
Shaoqian Zhang

‘ wuzuo feiwei 無作非為 (Do not misbehave)’. This nianhua aimed at instigating a moral revival among people under the imperium. The Kangxi emperor ordered his officials to distribute such templates among a number of local nianhua studios as a way of educating people through a vernacular art form. 9 As such, the state borrowed a popular art form to direct its own form of communication from the centre to its subjects

in Comic empires
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The importance of cartoons, caricature, and satirical art in imperial contexts
Richard Scully and Andrekos Varnava

. 53 Lamb feared the decline of the once-mighty art that had challenged presidents and potentates in the new context of the twenty-first century: in which the controversies over the Jyllands-Posten ‘Muhammad’ caricatures (2005), and the Charlie Hebdo massacre (2015), have paradoxically reinforced the power and importance of the cartoon, but also begun to prompt some reflection on the limits of civility and freedom of expression in an increasingly globalised world (and one which still relies on Orientalist stereotypes for the communication

in Comic empires
Anna Bocking-Welch

worldwide was approximately 493,000; by 1965 this had increased to 572,750 (of which 312,960 belonged to clubs in North America). 31 As Brendan Goff explains, Rotary International ‘presented itself as a kind of Esperanto for an emerging transnational class of businessmen and professionals’. 32 Its international magazine, the Rotarian , described itself as ‘a forum, a mirror, sometimes perhaps a torch; it is a market, a job, a communication link’. 33 Emphasising the roles played by individual members, the magazine described how it ‘links a man to his big organization

in British civic society at the end of empire
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Rajas, maharajas and others in post-colonial India
Jim Masselos

throughout the country over just what was the message conveyed by the maharaja mascot. As one observer noted, the mascot ‘was about making the customer feel like royalty . He isn’t royal himself and hence took many avatars in the marketing communication’. 32 Air India today describes the company’s maharaja figure as ‘a world figure. He can be a lover boy in Paris, a sumo wrestler in Tokyo, a pavement artist, a red Indian, a monk … he can effortlessly flirt with the beauties of the world. And most importantly, he can get away with it all. Simply because he is the

in Monarchies and decolonisation in Asia
Hao Gao

a failure. First, both of them maintained that, during the return journey, despite the great distance from the imperial court, Macartney actually obtained a much more effective channel of communication with the emperor than he would have done by staying at Beijing. This was because the two Chinese officers conducting them in these few months, Song Yun and Chang Lin, 29 appeared to be very kind to the embassy. According to Staunton, since these officers held a regular, almost daily

in Creating the Opium War
Hao Gao

's political isolation, as well as the government's suspicious attitude towards foreigners. Fisher, for example, claimed that, since ‘the Chinese had acquired the art of living in a state of high mental cultivation and social enjoyment … long before they could have the remote idea of intercourse’ with foreign nations, their government had proclaimed its independence of every nation in the world during much of its history. 26 For this reason, the benefits of international communication had never been cultivated in China. On

in Creating the Opium War