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with a basic consensus on American exceptionality that previously united American elites. It is possible to list the main premises synthetically, without necessarily following the order of their presentation in the strategy: the international system is a space of permanent competition for power between sovereign states, which are responsible for the construction of a peaceful world order; the world is made up of strong, independent and sovereign nations, with their own cultures, values, ideas and dreams; American values are not universal and, though

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

, K. ( 2015 ), Finance Case Study ( Brighton : Centre for Research in Innovation Management, University of Brighton ). Harford , T. , Hadjimichael , B. and Klein , M. ( 2004 ), Aid Agency Competition: A Century of Entry, but no Exit ( New York : The World Bank

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
A Focus on Community Engagement

, like women and youths, sought to protect their communities, showing willingness to take an active part in crisis management and to be recognised as legitimate contenders for power in the marketplace of local influence. Moments of crisis create opportunities for authority negotiation and competition. As our examples show, the terms of these contestations are influenced (but not determined) by long- and short-term histories. Each case tells a specific story. In the Kolobengou case in Guinea

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

looming environmental disasters. Domestically, the liberal social contract is coming apart in many Western states as the coalition of those who have not benefited from the decades of wealth accumulation after 1979 turns to populist politicians and looks for scapegoats, with experts, immigrants and Muslims seen as prime targets. The commitment to liberal institutions that create limits to the scope of political competition – rights, the rule of law, freedom of the press – and to the basic level of respect due to all persons, be they citizens or refugees

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Architecture, Building and Humanitarian Innovation

architectural category of the worldwide Design of the Year competition ( Scott-Smith, 2018b , 2019 ; Wainwright, 2017 ). No architects, however, were involved in its development. Even the main designer admitted, when I interviewed him in 2017, that it is something of a stretch to call this architecture. ‘If it were architecture,’ he told me, ‘it would be a brutalist architecture.’ Rather than thinking about specific locations, he explained, his aim was to produce something universal

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

empires often owed their preeminence to their ability to control the source and/or the trade in gold, ivory, slaves, and salt. Bloody wars of conquest were fought over natural resource control. The colonial period witnessed the expansion of this competition as European powers vied among themselves to gain control over African gold, diamonds, and ivory. And many of the continent’s most violent modern-day conflicts have been fueled directly or indirectly by the desire to reap the economic benefits of national resource exploitation. From Angolan and Nigerian oil to the

in African security in the twenty-first century

dissolution of the Soviet Union. But as the gap between the demand and domestic supply of oil widened in both countries, the oil-producing states of Central Asia took on a new significance. Both the Chinese and American governments have sought privileged access to this region for their national oil firms.3 Sino-American competition in this region began in earnest in 1994.4 China seemed to be better positioned initially, owing to successive annual summit meetings with the regional oil-producing states – Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. These meetings resulted

in Limiting institutions?
Open Access (free)
The challenge of Eurasian security governance

Eurasian security governance has received increasing attention since 1989. The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, the institution that best served the security interests of the West in its competition with the Soviet Union, is now relatively ill-equipped resolve the threats emanating from Eurasia to the Atlantic system of security governance. This book investigates the important role played by identity politics in the shaping of the Eurasian security environment. It investigates both the state in post-Soviet Eurasia as the primary site of institutionalisation and the state's concerted international action in the sphere of security. This investigation requires a major caveat: state-centric approaches to security impose analytical costs by obscuring substate and transnational actors and processes. The terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon marked the maturation of what had been described as the 'new terrorism'. Jervis has argued that the western system of security governance produced a security community that was contingent upon five necessary and sufficient conditions. The United States has made an effort to integrate China, Russia into the Atlantic security system via the Partnership for Peace (PfP) programme and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council. The Black Sea Economic Cooperation has become engaged in disseminating security concerns in fields such as environment, energy and economy. If the end of the Cold War left America triumphant, Russia's new geopolitical hand seemed a terrible demotion. Successfully rebalancing the West and building a collaborative system with Russia, China, Europe and America probably requires more wisdom and skill from the world's leaders.

The dynamics of multilateralism in Eurasia

through multilateral balancing of Russian influence and by signalling their national identity preferences through the GUUAM group. Meanwhile, the growth of American military engagement in Eurasia has the potential to transform another multilateral institution – the SCO – into a mechanism for a renewed Sino-Russian alliance. Despite potential fissures arising from great power competition in the region, the states of Eurasia share some important interests in multilateral cooperation. Russia and China, as well as key medium-sized states such as Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan

in Limiting institutions?
Challenges and opportunities

This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.