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, the way that lords were themselves subject to a greater lordship than their own. Although the relationship with the king has been a recurrent theme in the preceding narrative, this chapter includes a more focused look at the competition between royal and aristocratic lordship for support from below. As has been seen, the Lacys often turned to each other for security. The place of the family in lordship, including marriage, filial piety and inheritance, rounds off this study. By anatomising the Lacys’ experience, it is hoped that a better understanding of the nature

in Lordship in four realms

cast backwards onto an earlier period as if the success was a predestined event. It was most certainly not, a point that helps us appreciate both the stakes involved in the lack of a Capetian crusading image and also the motivation of Abbot Suger and the other Dionysian monks to create one. Thus, it will be useful to have a broad understanding of the eleventh-century competition among various religious centres for the royal court’s attention. Saint-Benôit-sur-Loire (known generally as Fleury) forged a strong connection with the Capetian

in Constructing kingship

centuries, were hit hard by falling demand and the competition from draperies elsewhere in Europe, causing massive unemployment. One of the responses to the decline was a shift in focus to the luxury industries, dependent on highly skilled labour, artisan creativity and fashionable refinements. The added value of human capital in this sector was high, difficult to replace and less subject to short-term economic changes. Fuelled by growing domestic demand as a result of rising standards of living, specialised artistic and luxury crafts blossomed in many of the larger towns

in Immigrant England, 1300–1550

massacre in Vintry ward, rebels from Kent had also sacked a brothel in Southwark where Flemish women worked. 80 The sources fail to say who was behind the London attack, but there are strong reasons to believe that English weavers were involved. As explained in chapter 6 , London’s native cloth workers struggled with the slackening demand for cheaper textiles in the wake of the Black Death and the competition from producers in the provinces, while immigrant weavers from the Low Countries were highly successful in manufacturing high

in Immigrant England, 1300–1550

version; this final manuscript; this copy-edited text; these proofs) would provoke disagreement, disavowal and denial. This changing state of affairs is not unique to our field, of course: instead, we suggest it is symptomatic of the contemporary humanities. Where so much is at stake – such competition for shrinking resources – such dissent, and such powerful feelings, are inevitable

in Affective medievalism

, by harnessing baronial competition to put down the rebellions, showed how such royally supported factionalism might work for the king’s benefit.133 In the short run, however, no such competition was immediately apparent. It is true that the Irish barons looked to the Lacys rather than William Marshal for their leadership in the Irish crisis of 1207, but they fought for the same cause.134 If, as seems quite likely, King John elevated a Lacy to counterbalance William Marshal in Leinster, why was Hugh de Lacy chosen? Walter was the one who could mobilise the resources

in Lordship in four realms

the religious orders, who in most cases were their famous founders – the likes of Benedict, Francis, Dominic, or Ignatius – had their papers in order, the religious orders had in addition long lists of saints whom they venerated, not least the friars with their third orders and their many locally venerated spiritual heroes. Not only did each order want to get its own cults legitimised but each felt itself in competition, as always, with the other orders. For the fate of Alberto’s cult, the sponsorship of the Dominican Order was perhaps going to turn out to be

in Indispensable immigrants

and prestige in attaining power in the early twelfth century, then it is a point in need of consideration in the particular context of the Capetian experience. 30 From 1099 onward, there was little in Christendom more heroic than being a crusader, and as veterans returned from the East with their new-found prestige in hand, the circumstance was primed for new systemic tensions to be introduced into the long-term social competition between the King and his nobles. How transformative could the crusade be for one’s reputation? We have

in Constructing kingship

porters’. 33 From time to time other outbreaks of violence occurred that stemmed not from personal disputes but from workplace competition. All guild statutes in spite of their many differences were alike in claiming for their members a monopoly on the particular kind of work they did. These statutes also tended to favour descendants of present or former members as well as favouring local inhabitants over outsiders. However, guilds never could have afforded to exclude outsiders categorically, particularly where the most onerous and least

in Indispensable immigrants

only involved longer journeys but also brought them into greater competition with continental rivals coming the other way, is perhaps more understandable. It would also seem that the majority of Irish people living in England were ‘Anglo-Irish’, rather than Gaelic Irish. Towns of origin are only rarely identifiable for the Irish people included in our main sources, but those that are known were mainly within areas of stronger English rule. John de Swerdes, taxed in Hereford throughout the early 1440s, was presumably from Swords, near Dublin, while three Waterford

in Immigrant England, 1300–1550