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4 Party competition In its bid to account for the varying levels of electoral success of the parties of the extreme right across Western Europe, this book has so far examined the influence of party-centric factors. It has considered the impact of different types of extreme right party ideology on the right-wing extremist party vote and has also investigated the effects of party organization and leadership. In this chapter, the book turns to exploring the influence of contextual factors on the success of the right-wing extremist parties, and introduces another

in The extreme right in Western Europe

on national institutions; this instigates zero-sum forms of competition between regimes in different member states, albeit through largely unintentional means. Lack of solidarity during resulting crises reinforces effects of competition. The question of the nature of the reaction of labour to European integration has long preoccupied scholars. Political economists writing after the Maastricht Treaty underlined processes of competition (Rhodes, 1998a ; Scharpf, 1999 ; Streeck, 1996 ), yet scholars who stress actor agency have contended that labour behaviour often

in European labour movements in crisis

importance. On the other hand, locational competition has had more ambiguous effects than ‘sceptics’ contend – depending on circumstances, it could become the key motive to enhance cross-border cooperation. Indeed, several authors have found that strong EWCs often develop in companies with a high degree of inter-firm investment and job competition (Kotthoff, 2006 : 43–61; Anner et al ., 2006 : 11–15). At least as important as the context-specific conditions at a

in Paradoxes of internationalization

in the Irish market offers outlets that may be subject to potentially greater commercial pressures than ‘domestic’ outlets. In this chapter, we examine four major possible effects of commercialisation on election coverage. First, since most people are not interested in politics, the more commercial an outlet the less it would be expected to cover politics. Second, commercialisation is posited to affect how the media frames politics. Commercial pressures should increase the tendency to frame politics as political competition – ‘game’ coverage – rather than a policy

in Resilient reporting

creating higher revenue (more profit) as the desired outcome. From every other conceivable perspective, it is inefficient.’25 Additionally, and again contrary to the dominant perspective, comparing the efficiency of public and private enterprises is actually quite difficult. ‘In comparing SOEs to privately owned firms,’ Megginson and Netter wrote, ‘it is difficult, if not impossible, to determine the appropriate set of comparison firms or benchmarks.’26 Furthermore, for a variety of reasons, including natural monopolies and suppression of competition, there are not

in Our common wealth

3 The media and political change This chapter assesses three broad perspectives on how the Irish media has covered political change in Ireland over almost fifty years. The first, which we call ‘hypercritical infotainment’, emphasises the media as a collective agent of change. According to this approach, the media shifts from passive reporting of politics to framing it as a political competition and adopting a negative tone towards politics. This, in turn, imposes a media logic on politicians, who become more interested in spin and soundbites than policymaking

in Resilient reporting

Challenges currently facing European labour movements are novel, yet a rich literature bears witness to the historic manner in which labour has responded to European integration. In this chapter, so as to root later analysis in relevant debates, I conduct an in-depth survey of this literature. I commence with an examination of historic attempts by labour to respond to European integration. Though prominent political economists writing after the Maastricht Treaty emphasized processes of competition (Rhodes, 1998a ; Scharpf, 1999

in European labour movements in crisis

In this chapter, I move towards a new theory of the manner in which labour movements respond to European integration. I contend that, rather than being based on cooperation, the behaviour of labour tends to facilitate competition between national regimes. Owing to the nationally embedded nature of labour movements, which is itself in the interests of certain workers, bargaining processes tend to lead to an unplanned yet incremental drift towards zero-sum outcomes which benefit national workforces in stronger structural positions

in European labour movements in crisis
From indecision to indifference

European labour movements in crisis contends that labour movements respond to European integration in a manner which instigates competition between national labour markets. This argument is based on analysis of four countries (Germany, Spain, France and Poland) and two processes: the collective bargaining practices of trade unions in the first decade of the Eurozone and the response of trade unions and social-democratic parties to austerity in Southern Europe. In the first process, although unions did not intentionally compete, there was a drift towards zero-sum outcomes which benefited national workforces in stronger structural positions. In the second process, during which a crisis resulting from the earlier actions of labour occurred, lack of solidarity reinforced effects of competition.

Such processes are indicative of relations between national labour movements which are rooted in competition, even if causal mechanisms are somewhat indirect. The book moreover engages with debates concerning the dualization of labour markets, arguing that substantive outcomes demonstrate the existence of a European insider–outsider division. Findings also confirm the salience of intergovernmentalist analyses of integration and point to a relationship between labour sectionalism and European disintegration.

of competition and/or cooperation. This concern is related to debates about dualization (Emmenegger et al. , 2012 ) and findings may contribute to this literature. In this chapter, I therefore examine the extent to which dualization on a European scale exists and whether it is in the interests of workers in core countries. I contend that the creation of the division can be linked to the interests of these employees, although the means by which the divide has been instigated are indirect. Specifically, I submit that the advantage of core

in European labour movements in crisis