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Political parties reflect the societies within which they operate. Competition between parties – in pursuit of resources, power and, occasionally, prestige – is very much based on the competition that occurs between the different social groups that exist within a society. In the new European democracies of the 1920s, the contemporary party systems that emerged were

in Conflict to peace
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members of the public for courageous acts. Wartime France is sometimes characterised as a place where neighbourliness was trampled underfoot in the competition for scarce resources. Yet here we see a limit to this characterisation. While there were examples of anti-social behaviour, bombsite thefts, and fraudulent relief claims, a type of ‘Blitz spirit’ developed. Communities appear to have been bound tightly together in the aftermath of bombing. Indeed, immediate help came from neighbours, not organisations. Speed was imperative to save lives and secure buildings, and

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45

: those whom the right had termed the ‘anti-France’ including Jews, Protestants and Freemasons, as well as the fearsome spectre of socialism. Jews and the Allies were instigators of air raids on France, first, in ‘their hatred of Europe’ and the desire to ‘destroy all traces of its civilisation’; and second because of a capitalist drive to ‘DESTROY THE COMPETITION that French and European industry poses to England and America’. This leaflet continued ironically, ‘to avenge the persecuted Jews, the Royal Air Force is bombing military objectives in France: schools, hospitals

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
America, Europe, and the crises of the 1970s

National Security Council, too, was gaining in status. 28 Further, alongside the progression of the war in Vietnam since 1965, Europe no longer remained the exclusive focus of US world politics; and the traditionally Europhile East Coast establishment had, since the mid-1960s, been losing its dominant position. 29 By the early 1970s, economic questions had moved to the centre of transatlantic dispute, with President Nixon and Henry Kissinger speaking publicly about ‘rivalry’ and ‘competition’ between the United States and Europe. 30 That would have been unthinkable

in The TransAtlantic reconsidered
The Balkan experience

sense at the time of what might be called ‘institutional Darwinism’, namely a feeling that the two institutions were in a kind of competition with regard to embracing non-member countries in Europe. It was felt that there would be potentially debilitating consequences for the ‘loser’ if one was allowed to get too far ahead of the other in this ‘great game’. Hence, there was an innate reluctance to allow

in The security dimensions of EU enlargement
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A European fin de siècle

Patomäki), will hardly change the fundamentally post-moral nature of the new world order. Russia between derzhavnost’ and the dollar The war in Kosovo can be seen as the playing out of the competition between the two most publicised essays on international affairs of the last decade, Francis Fukuyama’s End of History and Samuel Huntington

in Mapping European security after Kosovo

their visibility as private players in food aid, relief, and development assistance, despite growing competition from USAID experts and agencies such as the Peace Corps. Lyndon B. Johnson’s Great Society program, his focus on domestic and international poverty prevention, and the establishment of a War on Hunger office within USAID had also included the voluntary agencies as important proponents of

in The NGO CARE and food aid From America, 1945–80
Making environmental security ‘critical’ in the Asia-Pacific

perspective, this remains a conventional approach to security and one that is seen to be ‘practically dysfunctional as the discursive framework for any political arrangement’ ( Dalby, 1997 : 21) that could respond either to environmental degradation or to the competition and tension which might arise as a result. A critical approach to environmental security

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific

expected, and where holding elections while the warring groups were still armed could have resulted in a fast return to civil war. 28 It also highlights that political realities and power dynamics shift as actors’ interests change. In this case, the interim government provided key elites with an opportunity to satisfy their interests before elections introduced open political competition. This diminished the push factors

in Violence and the state
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Disaster recovery and the World Trade Center

community relations in Birmingham, rather than a necessary component of recovery. Yet, nine years after the Manchester bomb, the 7/7 bombings that struck London’s transportation network were deemed to require more than repair and a Tube station plaque. A memorial competition was organised under the auspices of the Department of Culture, Media and Sport, and won by the Carmody Groarke architectural firm. A

in Death and security