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The social sphere
Ami Pedahzur

is its adherence to the more formal meaning of the democratic idea. Democratic rules of the game are maintained, including free elections and multi-party competition but, at the same time, this form of government is distinct from liberal democracy. Conceptually, this is because non-liberal democracy places the interests of one group of citizens over those of other groups, encroaches upon the social sphere and restricts civil liberties. The non-liberal democracy is therefore laden with numerous incongruities, and these are even more prominent in its education

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
Israel as a role model in liberal thought
Uriya Shavit and Ofir Winter

call for a scientific revolution in the Arab world with a suggestion that the conflict between Israel and its neighbours should shift to a competition for technological excellence that is not malicious and serves as a goal in and of itself. Typical of the ‘liberal peace’ camp, he described normalization as exchanging a bloody struggle for a constructive one that focuses the Arab efforts on investing in areas in which they lag behind. He suggested that as part of the process Arabs would visit Israeli factories and study their methods of operation, and claimed that if

in Zionism in Arab discourses
The internal factors
Ali Riaz

that the support was unanimous. A small group opposed this strand and insisted on a Muslim Pakistani identity. This strand of thought was represented by a handful of supporters of the Muslim League. Thus the divide, referred to as a secular–religious divide in the public discourse, was part of the community from the outset. In the 1990s this divide gained prominence due, among other reasons, to the generation gap and ‘the competition for resources’.40 This is where the second level of Bangladeshi politics played its part in the construction of the new identity for

in Islam and identity politics among British-Bangladeshis
Open Access (free)
The ‘defending democracy’ in Israel – a framework of analysis
Ami Pedahzur

for this is that while the formal foundations of a democratic system – free and fair elections, inter-partisan competition, periodic governmental rotation, etc. – are maintained, other essential components of the democratic epitome, such as the protection of fundamental rights, including the freedom of expression, freedom of assembly and freedom of religious expression, are all, to varying extents, flawed. Like Yoav Peled, Uri Ben-Eliezer and Yael Yishai, I too find the construct of the ‘non-liberal democracy’ to be the terminological frame

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
Ami Pedahzur

domain of law enforcement (the state), of primordial ties (the family) and of competition, where the aim is to maximise profits (the marketplace). If so, what then is ‘civil society’? Yishai’s definition proposes that ‘civil society’ consists of those activities occasioned within an organisational context, whether established or transient, but which do not fall within the context of the private domain. A necessary (albeit insufficient) condition for the existence of the ‘civil society’ is that its groups are voluntary and based on civilian readiness to contribute

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
Ali Riaz

’ for women.37 The religious and cultural networks allowed life-cycle rituals (such as weddings and births) to be celebrated at home and in the neighbourhoods where the migrants settled. These rituals brought new members to the network, but also spawned competition among members of the community for prestige. An intriguing development was the construction of religious networks and institutions. According to one study, early Bangladeshi migrants experienced complete cessation of religious activities upon arrival in Britain and relied on their families at home who

in Islam and identity politics among British-Bangladeshis
The state as actor
Ali Riaz

and the International Bangladesh Foundation (London, 14 November 2006). See also John Eade and David Grabin ‘Changing ­narratives MUP_Riaz_IslamIdentity_Revised.indd 169 21/02/2013 16:30 170 islam and identity among british-bangladeshis of violence, struggle and resistance: Bangladeshis and the competition for resources in the global city’, Oxford Development Studies, 30:2 (2002), 140; Delwar Hussain, ‘Bangladeshis in East London: from secular politics to Islam’, Open Democracy (7 July 2006): www.opendemocracy.net/demo cracy-protest/bangladeshi_3715.jsp

in Islam and identity politics among British-Bangladeshis
The parliamentary arena
Ami Pedahzur

in competition with the Mafdal, we agree that the State should take steps to prevent assimilation … It is legitimate to want the expulsion of Arabs or the attempt to motivate them to emigrate from this country but [it must be done] in a way that does not worsen the relations between the two nations in this country. 27 Despite what these words indicate, it is highly likely that the decision allowing Kach to compete in the elections was based on reasons which do not all come from the desire to empower the democratic foundations of the State of

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
Abstract only
Civil religion in the making
Norman Bonney

manage to get seats allocated to them and how they are numerically represented relative to life peers will provide interesting insights into the image of the state and society projected at the event by its designers and will also be measures of the relative power of these groups in competition with other representatives of various social sectors and with one another. The outcomes of the contests for seats will, then, be an interesting and insightful measure of the relative power and standing of these groups more generally in UK society and government. And in addition

in Monarchy, religion and the state
Zionism and Israel as role models in Islamist writing
Uriya Shavit and Ofir Winter

constitutional monarchy, accepted this reality, but he declared that competition between political parties breaches Islamic law because Islam demands the unity of its believers. His wasati successors, mainly al-Ghazali and al-Qaradawi, adopted the approach that shura is democracy in Islam.59 They called for the adoption of certain elements of Western democracy and the rejection of others, based on the conception that it is legitimate for a Muslim to learn from the achievements of the infidels so long as they are not in contradiction with the laws of Islam.60 According to their

in Zionism in Arab discourses