Lovell Road Primary School to the Leeds Central High School. From there he took articles and became a student in the Law School of Leeds University. In his first year he won the Law Society’s Studentship, the top prize of a national competition. In his final year he obtained a First in the Ll.B examination – the first ever awarded in that examination. During his time at the University he was a member of the first Jewish Students’ Association there.
Leaving university with such glowing results, Jos could have expected to find a position with
-political Indian Seamen’s Welfare
Before the Second World War, the main hub of Bengali settlement was in
Canning Town, close to the Docks. But this area was devastated in the Blitz, and
many of the post-war settlers established themselves in privately rented rooms in
Spitalfields, where Dickensian living conditions meant they met with little
competition for tenancies and fewer signs specifying ‘no coloureds’.33 Defensive
reactions to racism and discriminatory housing policies have both contributed to
Glynn 01_Tonra 01 19/06/2014 12:47 Page 14
persuaded ethnic activists and leftist community workers and
councillors to help with this containment. Groups dependent on public funding
soon lose their radical edge.
At the same time, the demand for funds institutionalised difference and put
ethnic groups in competition with each other, and funding for ethnic-based
groups provided fuel for the racists. Well-meaning lectures from liberal antiracists could simply be dismissed as condescending. They failed to address socioeconomic issues affecting the whole working class, and they ignored the
argument that overcoming
In contrast to much of the previous analysis, this chapter argues that modern Leeds has a united and more coherent character than in past times. It is argued again that the question of identity is a complex one, with Jews able to feel multiple identities. The analysis relies on a number of attitudinal surveys which explore particularly young peoples’ attitudes to current issues. For example, it asked whether people would support Israel or England when they were drawn together in a European football competition. It is argued that young Jews in Leeds are confident and comfortable to display their allegiance publicly, such as lighting Chanukah candles at the Lubavitch centre.
1931, there are reports of regular cricket being played by Jewish boys in Potternewton Park, in the heavily Jewish populated Chapeltown area of Leeds. In 1932, calling themselves Potternewton Juniors, they played well in a competition run by a local newspaper and many of the boys subsequently attended a Rover Scout camp; it was there that the New Rover Cricket Club was formed, playing its first game at Soldiers Field on 16 June 1934. For fifty years the team played on the same No. 11 pitch on Soldiers Field, using an old garden shed which cost £20 as a pavilion. The
inevitable expectations that there would be a
Bengali MP. Competition was bitter. Jalal, one of the main contenders, was
suspended from the party after being accused of sending a fax to the press that
charged the local Labour group leader with racism and was made to look as
though it came from his rival Pola Uddin.41 He denied involvement, but it has
been suggested that the unseemly struggle and the lack of Bengali unity were
instrumental in preventing a Bengali from being chosen. However, the selection
was also seen by many as an example of party racism, and anger and
racism and by fear of competition for jobs and resources. But
segregation and the racism that encourages it have both been enhanced by
political action, even though this has often not been the intention.
Before looking at the debates on why segregation matters and at what can
be done, this final chapter will summarise, briefly, how it has been affected by the
political developments described in previous chapters. The focus of this account
has been on Bengali political mobilisation, so I will first look at the impact of
this, before going on to the impact of more
strike at its roots.
That ‘race’ is a social construct is now widely accepted, but not enough attention
is given to how the racialisation process worked and continues to work and,
importantly, whose interests it serves. The re-emergence of a potent neoliberal
capitalism has been facilitated by a weak and divided working-class movement.
Central to this division is the tendency to pursue sectional interests in isolation,
and often in competition, with each other. This has been actively encouraged by
those in power – witness how governments try to set poorly paid
children from the late eighteenth century and continued to
provide for orphans on a relatively small scale in the nineteenth. Margaret
Aylward founded St Brigid’s Outdoor Orphanage, or boarding-out institution, in 1856.5 Religious competition generated greater interest in the
welfare of orphans – the children of the church – who in the case of the
Church of Ireland became symbols of strength, vitality and the future.
Given the predominance of the institutionalisation of children, PO
Societies’ support of the ‘family system’ differentiated it from public
, where he came in 1970, Salique set up his own factory in Cannon
Street Road making garment ‘shells’, which employed around a hundred people.
His first attempt at trade union organisation was among his own workforce.29
Salique’s factory was relatively large, but in general the East End rag trade
had tended to revert to pre-Second World War traditions of backroom
workshops. Larger firms were being encouraged to move out of London and
many manufacturers, faced with growing competition from abroad, depended for
their survival on subcontracting and casualisation of an