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Lovell Road Primary School to the Leeds Central High School. From there he took articles and became a student in the Law School of Leeds University. In his first year he won the Law Society’s Studentship, the top prize of a national competition. In his final year he obtained a First in the Ll.B examination – the first ever awarded in that examination. During his time at the University he was a member of the first Jewish Students’ Association there. Leaving university with such glowing results, Jos could have expected to find a position with

in Leeds and its Jewish Community

-political Indian Seamen’s Welfare League.32 Before the Second World War, the main hub of Bengali settlement was in Canning Town, close to the Docks. But this area was devastated in the Blitz, and many of the post-war settlers established themselves in privately rented rooms in Spitalfields, where Dickensian living conditions meant they met with little competition for tenancies and fewer signs specifying ‘no coloureds’.33 Defensive reactions to racism and discriminatory housing policies have both contributed to 13 Glynn 01_Tonra 01 19/06/2014 12:47 Page 14 14 CLASS, ETHNICITY

in Class, ethnicity and religion in the Bengali East End

persuaded ethnic activists and leftist community workers and councillors to help with this containment. Groups dependent on public funding soon lose their radical edge. At the same time, the demand for funds institutionalised difference and put ethnic groups in competition with each other, and funding for ethnic-based groups provided fuel for the racists. Well-meaning lectures from liberal antiracists could simply be dismissed as condescending. They failed to address socioeconomic issues affecting the whole working class, and they ignored the argument that overcoming

in Class, ethnicity and religion in the Bengali East End

In contrast to much of the previous analysis, this chapter argues that modern Leeds has a united and more coherent character than in past times. It is argued again that the question of identity is a complex one, with Jews able to feel multiple identities. The analysis relies on a number of attitudinal surveys which explore particularly young peoples’ attitudes to current issues. For example, it asked whether people would support Israel or England when they were drawn together in a European football competition. It is argued that young Jews in Leeds are confident and comfortable to display their allegiance publicly, such as lighting Chanukah candles at the Lubavitch centre.

in Leeds and its Jewish Community
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Leisure and sporting activities

1931, there are reports of regular cricket being played by Jewish boys in Potternewton Park, in the heavily Jewish populated Chapeltown area of Leeds. In 1932, calling themselves Potternewton Juniors, they played well in a competition run by a local newspaper and many of the boys subsequently attended a Rover Scout camp; it was there that the New Rover Cricket Club was formed, playing its first game at Soldiers Field on 16 June 1934. For fifty years the team played on the same No. 11 pitch on Soldiers Field, using an old garden shed which cost £20 as a pavilion. The

in Leeds and its Jewish Community

inevitable expectations that there would be a Bengali MP. Competition was bitter. Jalal, one of the main contenders, was suspended from the party after being accused of sending a fax to the press that charged the local Labour group leader with racism and was made to look as though it came from his rival Pola Uddin.41 He denied involvement, but it has been suggested that the unseemly struggle and the lack of Bengali unity were instrumental in preventing a Bengali from being chosen. However, the selection was also seen by many as an example of party racism, and anger and

in Class, ethnicity and religion in the Bengali East End
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racism and by fear of competition for jobs and resources. But segregation and the racism that encourages it have both been enhanced by political action, even though this has often not been the intention. Before looking at the debates on why segregation matters and at what can be done, this final chapter will summarise, briefly, how it has been affected by the political developments described in previous chapters. The focus of this account has been on Bengali political mobilisation, so I will first look at the impact of this, before going on to the impact of more

in Class, ethnicity and religion in the Bengali East End
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strike at its roots. That ‘race’ is a social construct is now widely accepted, but not enough attention is given to how the racialisation process worked and continues to work and, importantly, whose interests it serves. The re-emergence of a potent neoliberal capitalism has been facilitated by a weak and divided working-class movement. Central to this division is the tendency to pursue sectional interests in isolation, and often in competition, with each other. This has been actively encouraged by those in power – witness how governments try to set poorly paid

in Class, ethnicity and religion in the Bengali East End
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children from the late eighteenth century and continued to provide for orphans on a relatively small scale in the nineteenth. Margaret Aylward founded St Brigid’s Outdoor Orphanage, or boarding-out institution, in 1856.5 Religious competition generated greater interest in the welfare of orphans – the children of the church – who in the case of the Church of Ireland became symbols of strength, vitality and the future. Given the predominance of the institutionalisation of children, PO Societies’ support of the ‘family system’ differentiated it from public poor relief

in The Protestant Orphan Society and its social significance in Ireland, 1828–1940

, where he came in 1970, Salique set up his own factory in Cannon Street Road making garment ‘shells’, which employed around a hundred people. His first attempt at trade union organisation was among his own workforce.29 Salique’s factory was relatively large, but in general the East End rag trade had tended to revert to pre-Second World War traditions of backroom workshops. Larger firms were being encouraged to move out of London and many manufacturers, faced with growing competition from abroad, depended for their survival on subcontracting and casualisation of an

in Class, ethnicity and religion in the Bengali East End