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Abstract only
John Anderson

same time, as democracy in some shape or form was achieved, religious communities did not always find it easy to adapt to aspects of new political orders where their status and role often declined, where they faced competition for influence from other religious and secular groups, and where the ‘moral atmosphere’ of the new societies did not always sit comfortably with their traditional teachings ( Chapters 3 – 4 ). This was particularly evident in the Orthodox post-communist countries where religious communities had no experience of

in Christianity and democratisation
John Anderson

to Christian Orthodoxy and more potentially dangerous to human being and life. 2 Pluralism is viewed positively because it brings freedom of worship, particularly important for churches that have experienced communism; it brings competition – which Hopko can accept, though many of his co-religionists in the Orthodox world cannot – but it also brings a new set of values and attitudes that chip away at attempts to speak in terms of absolute religious truths and to preserve faith (and sometimes ethnic) communities

in Christianity and democratisation
Abstract only
John Anderson

though shaped by religious values could also be seen as a reaction to a loss of social power. Similar arguments were proposed by rational choice theorists who saw religious commitments to democratisation as, at least in part, shaped by the need of these bodies to preserve their market share. Consequently, it was argued that in the face of competition from religious minorities that were proving successful amongst the poor and marginalised – whether Pentecostals in Latin America or a wide variety of ‘sects’ in the former communist world

in Christianity and democratisation
John Anderson

Pentecostal, competition was particularly strong, whilst in Argentina Pentecostalism did not really begin to take hold until the latter part of the twentieth century. However, these were also the two Latin American countries with perhaps the strongest traditions of Catholic social activism, though prior to the 1970s this had often been deeply paternalistic in Brazil (much in line with the tradition of Leo XIII’s Rerum Novarum ) and closely linked to the governing Christian Democrats in Chile. In addition Chile had a much longer experience of stable democratic governance

in Christianity and democratisation
The place of religion
Karin Fischer

favours private interests in a universe of competition and choice.94 As we will see in more detail later, the defence of Catholic schools now largely relies on the notion of private choice (that of parents), rather than on concepts of rights, equality or the common good.95 In the past decade, a series of publications have re-examined and reclaimed republican ideals in the Irish State, drawing from international historical sources and contemporary experiments.96 In parallel, there has been a growing dissociation between religious affiliations, now more often considered

in Schools and the politics of religion and diversity in the Republic of Ireland
John Anderson

privileges or protected them from competition. Others noted the historical experience of Byzantium, Ottoman rule, and state dominance in Russia and the USSR which rendered the Church defensive, concerned above all with survival rather than theological and social thought. In addition, in those countries where Orthodoxy has been the dominant tradition, there has been limited experience of democratic governance until very recently. In his book on the ‘third wave’, Samuel Huntington had very little to say about Orthodoxy, beyond the vague suggestion

in Christianity and democratisation
What role for schools?
Karin Fischer

economic demands.16 These trends were criticised by the heads of Catholic educational institutions in the Republic of Ireland in a document published by the Conference of Major Religious Superiors in reaction to the 1992 Green Paper.17 Catholic orders expressed their opposition to the systematic imposition of economic outlooks on education, to a vision founded on individualism and competition and to a narrow definition of work.18 The same document proposed an alternative model, founded on the 59 E ducation policy and diversity 59 necessity of sharing power, wealth

in Schools and the politics of religion and diversity in the Republic of Ireland
Karin Fischer

the same speech in 2008, Martin confessed that he had been surprised by the number of letters of rejection, some of them explicitly racist, that he had received after his comments on schools, integration and diversity.107 More generally speaking, the Irish education system as it exists today encourages consumerist trends, with a number of parents picking and choosing between different types of schools, and the interest groups that control or manage the schools finding themselves in competition against one another in the same areas.108 Some commentators or

in Schools and the politics of religion and diversity in the Republic of Ireland