The study of German electoral politics has been neglected of late, despite being one of the most pervasive elements of the German political process. This book argues that concentration on electoral politics facilitates deeper understanding and appreciation of the German political system. It provides explanations and analysis of the federal electoral system, its evolution and the challenges that have been made to its format; discusses the role of electoral politics in relation to political parties and to the public; and the influence of second-order elections in the German political system. The book goes on to evaluate the effectiveness of the German electoral system in relation to its functions, and challenges the premise that electoral politics makes a difference in Germany. Ultimately, it aims to reconcile the apparently limited role that elections have in determining the composition of governments with the notion that there is a ‘permanent election campaign’ in existence in German politics.
largest single party in
the Bundestag. So had the Christian Democrats succeeded in displacing
Brandt, the outcome would have been contrary to the desires of the
The point of this survey of changes in governments is that Bundestag
elections do not usually directly aﬀect the compositionofgovernments.
The 1998 election was an exception, since relatively large transfers of
support from the Christian Democrats and FDP to the SPD took place
(the Greens lost vote-share in that election). In 1969 the new coalition
partners (SPD and FDP) together had a slightly
responsibility (Cabinet Office, 2010a ). Published at the same time as Our
Programme for Government was a separate document entitled the
Constitutional Agreement for Stability and Reform , which
mapped out further details on how the coalition would work, explaining,
for example, issues around the compositionofgovernment, how the
principles of collective responsibility would operate, and voting in
(a) Temporary and unimportant changes to the compositionofgovernments (such as the brief period of SPD minority government in 1982) have been ignored. The party listed first provided the federal chancellor.
(b) GB/BHE (the Refugee party) left the coalition in 1955.
(c) FVP: the Free People’s Party (Freie Volkspartei) was the short-lived party formed by the former FDP ministers and their supporters, who
Raj Chari, John Hogan, Gary Murphy and Michele Crepaz
practices are in use in the Departments of Finance or Agriculture where the ministers occupy top positions in the WKÖ and the Farmers’ Association (Baunernbund).
As discussed in the section about the nature of lobbying, Austrian political parties and social partners share a substantial part of their membership. As a result, the prohibition of role accumulation for social partners would have undermined the revolving doors between these organisations with consequences for the compositionofgovernment (Crepaz, 2016 ).
Overall, the Austrian lobbying law can