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The media and international intervention
Author: Philip Hammond

The first major post-Cold War conflict, the 1991 Gulf war, indicated how much had already changed. Saddam Hussein had enjoyed Western support in Iraq's war against Iran in the 1980s, but was abruptly cast as the 'new Hitler' after his invasion of Kuwait in August 1990. This book is about how the media have interpreted conflict and international intervention in the years after the Cold War. By comparing press coverage of a number of different wars and crises, it seeks to establish which have been the dominant themes in explaining the post-Cold War international order and to discover how far the patterns established prior to the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks have subsequently changed. The key concern is with the legitimacy of Western intervention: the aim is to investigate the extent to which Western military action is represented in news reporting as justifiable and necessary. The book presents a study that looks at UK press coverage of six conflicts and the international response to them: two instances of 'humanitarian military intervention' (Somalia and Kosovo); two cases in which the international community was criticised for not intervening (Bosnia and Rwanda); and two post-9/11 interventions (Afghanistan and Iraq). There were a number of overlapping UN and US interventions in Somalia in the early 1990s. Operation Restore Hope was the first major instance of post-Cold War humanitarian military intervention, following the precedent set by the establishment of 'safe havens' for Iraqi Kurds and other minorities at the end of the 1991 Gulf war.

The book explores how we understand global conflicts as they relate to the ‘European refugee crisis’, and draws on a range of empirical fieldwork carried out in the UK and Italy. It examines how global conflict has been constructed in both countries through media representations – in a climate of changing media habits, widespread mistrust, and fake news. In so doing, it examines the role played by historical amnesia about legacies of imperialism – and how this leads to a disavowal of responsibility for the reasons people flee their countries. The book explores how this understanding in turn shapes institutional and popular responses in receiving countries, ranging from hostility – such as the framing of refugees by politicians, as 'economic migrants' who are abusing the asylum system – to solidarity initiatives. Based on interviews and workshops with refugees in both countries, the book develops the concept of ‘migrantification’ – in which people are made into migrants by the state, the media and members of society. In challenging the conventional expectation for immigrants to tell stories about their migration journey, the book explores experiences of discrimination as well as acts of resistance. It argues that listening to those on the sharpest end of the immigration system can provide much-needed perspective on global conflicts and inequalities, which challenges common Eurocentric misconceptions. Interludes, interspersed between chapters, explore these issues in other ways through songs, jokes and images.

Kirsten Forkert, Federico Oliveri, Gargi Bhattacharyya and Janna Graham

1 How postcolonial innocence and white amnesia shape our understanding of global conflicts Introduction In this chapter, we examine the main narratives used to make sense of the so-called ‘European migration crisis’ and the relationship to global conflicts. Through the powerful yet highly questionable ‘crisis’ frame (De Genova 2016a), certain events have received international news coverage and play an important role within common-sense visions of ‘reality’, whilst others have been largely ignored. Bearing in mind the available cross-European media coverage

in How media and conflicts make migrants
Parvati Nair and Julián Daniel Gutiérrez-Albilla

Part II Culture and conflict According to Edward Said, ‘culture is sort of a theatre where various political and ideological causes engage one another. Far from being a placid realm of Apollonian gentility, culture can even be a battleground on which causes expose themselves to the light of day and contend with one another’ (Said, in Edwards, 1999 : 249). This quotation from Said shows how culture

in Hispanic and Lusophone women filmmakers
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Framing post-Cold War conflicts
Philip Hammond

The breakdown of the long-established Cold War ideological framework has been widely understood as presenting a problem for journalists seeking shorthand explanations of new crises and conflicts, but no clear understanding has so far emerged of how the media have responded to this situation. Greg McLaughlin, for example, observes that in the 1990s the first potential

in Framing post-Cold War conflicts
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Post-Cold War conflicts and the media
Philip Hammond

making sense of international conflict and cooperation. The first major post-Cold War conflict, the 1991 Gulf war, indicated how much had already changed. Saddam Hussein had enjoyed Western support in Iraq’s war against Iran in the 1980s, but was abruptly cast as the ‘new Hitler’ after his invasion of Kuwait in August 1990. Neither the erstwhile Soviet enemy nor Arab states raised any serious objections

in Framing post-Cold War conflicts
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Philip Hammond

Of the crises and conflicts considered in this book, Bosnia has generated the greatest controversy. There is even some disagreement over the date on which the war began: the Bosnian Serbs argue that it started on 1 March 1992, with the shooting of a guest at a Serbian wedding in Sarajevo; others maintain that it began with the recognition by the European Community (EC) of

in Framing post-Cold War conflicts
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Philip Hammond

The focus of this chapter is Operation Allied Force, the Nato air campaign against Yugoslavia from 24 March to 10 June 1999. Nato’s intervention was in response to ongoing conflict in the Serbian province of Kosovo and was triggered by the Yugoslav government’s failure to sign a peace agreement with representatives of Kosovo’s ethnic-Albanian majority. Nato’s declared aim

in Framing post-Cold War conflicts
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Philip Hammond

to kill or capture bin Laden, military operations were widely seen as having succeeded long before: al-Qaeda forces in the country had effectively been destroyed, the Taliban ousted and a new government installed, on 22 December 2001. At the same time, it was also a premature declaration of victory, since conflict continued long afterwards: in 2007 ‘major clashes’ were still being reported between

in Framing post-Cold War conflicts
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Philip Hammond

Belgian authorities fixed these categories. The Tutsis were seen by Europeans as a non-indigenous and superior race, who had had a civilising influence on the backward Hutus and whose continuing privileges were essential to maintaining order. There was certainly conflict between Hutu and Tutsi in Rwanda (and in neighbouring Burundi) in the past, including large-scale massacres – notably in the period

in Framing post-Cold War conflicts