The first British Methodist missionaries came to Upper Burma in 1887 and the last left in 1966. They were known as 'Wesleyans' before 1932 and afterwards as 'Methodists'. This book is a study of the ambitions, activities and achievements of Methodist missionaries in northern Burma from 1887-1966 and the expulsion of the last missionaries by Ne Win. Henry Venn, the impeccably evangelical Secretary of the Church Missionary Society (CMS), was the most distinguished and inspiring of nineteenth-century mission administrators. Wesleyan missionaries often found property development more congenial than saving souls. In Pakokku in December 1905, a 'weak' American missionary from Myingyan and a couple of Baptist Burman government officials began 'totally immersing' Wesleyans. Proselytism was officially frowned upon in the Indian Empire. The Wesley high schools were extraordinarily successful during the early years of the twentieth century. The Colonial Government was investing heavily in education. A bamboo curtain descended on Upper Burma in May 1942. Wesley Church Mandalay was gutted during the bombing raids of April 1942 and the Japanese requisitioned the Mission House and the Girls High School soon afterwards. General Ne Win was ruthlessly radical in 1962. By April 1964 Bishop was the last 'front-line' Methodist missionary in Upper Burma and the last European of any sort in Monywa. The book pulls together the themes of conflict, politics and proselytisation in to a fascinating study of great breadth.
This book is the first full-length study of the 1947 drawing of the Indo-Pakistani boundary in Punjab. It uses the Radcliffe commission, headed by Sir Cyril Radcliffe , as a window onto the decolonisation and independence of India and Pakistan. Examining the competing interests that influenced the actions of the various major players, the book highlights British efforts to maintain a grip on India even as the decolonisation process spun out of control. It examines the nature of power relationships within the colonial state, with a focus on the often-veiled exertion of British colonial power. With conflict between Hindus , Muslims and Sikhs reaching unprecedented levels in the mid-1940s , British leaders felt compelled to move towards decolonization. The partition was to be perceived as a South Asian undertaking, with British officials acting only as steady and impartial guides. Radcliffe's use of administrative boundaries reinforced the impact of imperial rule. The boundaries that Radcliffe defined turned out to be restless divisions, and in both the 1965 and 1971 wars India and Pakistan battled over their Punjabi border. After the final boundary, known as the 'Radcliffe award', was announced, all sides complained that Radcliffe had not taken the right 'other factors' into account. Radcliffe's loyalty to British interests is key to understanding his work in 1947. Drawing on extensive archival research in India, Pakistan and Britain, combined with innovative use of cartographic sources, the book paints a vivid picture of both the partition process and the Radcliffe line's impact on Punjab.
The Puritan Revolution of mid-seventeenth-century England produced an explosion of new and important political thinking. In addition to most famous thinkers, Thomas Hobbes, Sir Robert Filmer and the Levellers, there are other important figures who have been relatively neglected, of whom Anthony Ascham is one. This book is the first full-scale study of Ascham's political thought. Ascham's works were intended to convince lay Presbyterians and royalists to adhere to the policy of national pacification implemented from 1648 by the Independent 'party' within Parliament. From 1648 to 1650 Ascham's propaganda primarily dealt with the issue of the validity of oaths, and insisted on the reciprocal relation between obedience and protection. The first part of Ascham's Discourse focused on 'what things, and how farre a man may lawfully conform to the power and commands of those who hold a kingdome divided by civill warre'. Ascham adopted a twofold line of argument: in the first, he sought to demonstrate that war was consistent with natural law and scripture. Secondly, not all types of war were consistent with the Christian religion and the natural law of self-preservation, only the defensive war. Ascham's natural law theory, which he drew from Hugo Grotius, Thomas Hobbes and John Selden, had therefore both civil and religious implications. Ascham proposed a synthesis between Grotius and Niccolò Machiavelli, underlining the priority of state order over political participation, and justifying war as a means of accessing power only to confirm the necessity of re-establishing order.
Around the same time as the Balkan Wars shook Europe, a wave of genocidal
conflicts rippled through the African continent. They displayed patterns previously not characteristic of warfare in general and tribal warfare in particular.
While violence, civil unrest, insurgencies and civil wars had been a recurring
feature in many countries of the African continent, since the late 1980s,
a number of large-scale and long-running conflicts of immense brutality,
increasingly involving the civilian population, both women (as most numerous victims of
Negotiations at the end of British rule in the Shan States of Burma
all levels of society, importance was attached to rank, ethnic identity and tribute relations.
The Shan states after British conquest of Burma
When the British expanded their empire eastwards from India to Burma at the beginning of the nineteenth century, they created conflict with King Bodawpaya (ruled 1819–53) that led to the first Anglo-Burmese War of 1824–26. The ensuing peace treaty, ratified at Yandabo forty-five miles from the then Burmese capital of Ava, gave the British the southern province of Tenasserim, control of the port of Moulmein and the states
concerning the justification of internal conflict and political change
that appealed to his republican allies, 36 Ascham pointed to Grotius’s
insistence on the traditional concept of ‘equity’.
In order to explain this ideological
operation aiming to separate Grotian from Machiavellian reason of state,
it is worth considering a pamphlet appearing in 1654 under the title of
Politick Maxims and
of conflict upon Thomas’s elevation to Canterbury,
Herbert’s version is also guilty of distortion. He passes
over the danger to the relationship between archbishop and king
caused by Thomas’s claiming of royal castles and his
antagonising of the king’s tenants-in-chief. The
description of the council of Tours is highly selective
The Malayan Police played a crucial
role during the ensuing conflict that spanned over a decade. 3 By 1952, 100,000
regular and auxiliary police, 189,000 Home Guards and 45,000 Kampong
Guards were assisting the armed forces, often in a frontline capacity.
The previous year, the Home Guard, a largely unarmed force had been
amalgamated with the Kampong Guard, armed typically with shotguns. The
With conflict between Hindus,
Muslims and Sikhs reaching unprecedented levels in the mid-1940s,
British leaders felt compelled to move towards decolonization. Adding to
the pressure driving this decision were international considerations and
domestic pressures in Britain itself. When Mountbatten arrived in March
1947 as India’s last viceroy, he emphasized the need for haste
Historians and their personae in the Portuguese New State
António da Silva Rêgo
how to be a historian
Coalescence and conflict: historians and their
personae in the Portuguese New State
António da Silva Rêgo
So far, the framework of scholarly personae has mostly been applied to
centres of historical production such as nineteenth-century Germany and
Britain. This chapter, by contrast, deals with a more peripheral case: the
professionalization of history in early-twentieth-century Portugal, where
the identity of the historian was as much a matter of concern as it had been
in nineteenth-century Britain or Germany. In