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Labour, the trade unions and 1969’s In Place of Strife
Author: Peter Dorey

This book examines the 1969 attempt by Harold Wilson’s Labour Government to enact legislation to reform industrial relations. There was a particular concern to curb strikes by the trade unions. Published in the 50th anniversary of this ill-fated episode, this scholarly study makes extensive use of primary sources, many of them previously unpublished, most notably the archives of the Labour Party, the left-wing Tribune Group, the TUC, and the personal papers of the three key political figures involved, namely Harold Wilson, Barbara Castle and James Callaghan. The chapters are organised both thematically and chronologically, each one focusing on a particular aspect of the events leading to the proposed Industrial Relations Bill, and its subsequent abandonment. The book commences with an examination of the key economic and industrial developments of the early 1960s, to indicate how the ‘trade union problem’ was initially identified and defined. This led the Labour Government, elected in 1964, to establish a Royal Commission to examine industrial relations, but its report, published in 1968, was a cautious document, and therefore a deep disappointment to Harold Wilson and his Employment Secretary, Barbara Castle. They thus pursued their own industrial relations legislation, via a White Paper called In Place of Strife, but were overwhelmed by the scale and strength of opposition this aroused, and which eventually compelled them to abandon the legislation via a humiliating climb-down.

Sue-Ann Harding

This book, motivated by both the events in Beslan and the ideas of narrative theory, asks to what extent a narrative theory combining sociological and narratological approaches lends itself to elaborating a model of analysis for the study of media reporting (and translation) on violent conflict in general and the Beslan hostage disaster in particular. Narrative theory was adopted not only as the

in Beslan
The politics of peace
Jonathan Tonge

M1426 - COULTER TEXT.qxp:GRAHAM Q7 17/7/08 08:01 Page 49 3 From conflict to communal politics: the politics of peace Jonathan Tonge The end of armed conflict and arrival of devolved power sharing in Northern Ireland does not appear to have lessened the communal divisions that mark the political life of the region. The link between religious affiliation and political preference remains the strongest in Western Europe. The supporters of each of the principal parties continue to be drawn almost exclusively from rival ethno-religious blocs, a pattern unlikely to

in Northern Ireland after the troubles
Peter Dorey

been in favour of industrial relations legislation changed their minds. In most cases, this loss of support derived from growing Ministerial recognition of just how wide and deep the opposition was to In Place of Strife – and, again, particularly the penal clauses – both in the PLP and among the trade unions (these two sources of opposition are examined in chapters 5 and 6 respectively). The scale of the opposition to the proposed industrial 73 74 Comrades in conflict relations legislation was such that it was highly unlikely to secure sufficient support among

in Comrades in conflict
How transnational pharmaceutical groups manipulate scientific publications
Isabell Hensel and Gunther Teubner

censorship clauses in research contracts, the use of ghostwriters, pressure put on researchers to prevent studies from being carried out 6 and even the dismissal of researchers by financially dependent research institutions. 7 Underlying these cases is a conflict of incompatible rationalities 8 that ultimately leads to publication bias. 9 This term is used to describe the statistical distortion of data

in Critical theory and legal autopoiesis
Peter Dorey

Unions were fed up with strikes’, and as such, would be aided by the Government’s proposed legislation, because it would ‘help them refuse to strike’.3 However, such support was confined to a small number of Labour MPs. In fact, at one PLP meeting, only Woodrow Wyatt spoke in support of the Government’s proposed industrial relations legislation, arguing 112 Comrades in conflict that as unofficial strikes were increasing, ‘something would have to be done to stop them’.4 Further support at this PLP meeting was expressed by the Labour MP for Bebington (near Merseyside

in Comrades in conflict
Peter Dorey

’s relative economic decline; the changing structure of British industry; new data about the incidence of unofficial and unconstitutional strikes; the recourse to incomes policies in order to secure wage restraint aiming to curb inflation and the additional problems which accrued from these pay policies. In addition, the critical attention which was increasingly being directed towards the conduct of 9 10 Comrades in conflict the trade unions was reinforced by a landmark judicial decision in 1964, which fuelled demands for a formal inquiry into the law pertaining to trade

in Comrades in conflict
Peter Dorey

the remainder of the Royal Commission’s members appointed either on the basis of their industrial and occupational backgrounds, or their academic expertise in industrial relations. Thus did the final membership of the Royal Commission consist of: • Lord Donovan, a former Labour MP prior to becoming a High Court judge 26 Comrades in conflict • Professor Hugh Clegg, Professor of Industrial Relations, Warwick University • Lord Collison, General Secretary of the National Union of Agricultural Workers • Dame Mary Green, headmistress • Professor Otto Kahn

in Comrades in conflict
Abstract only
Peter Dorey

ban the trade unions from engaging in strikes in connection with disputes with employers, but that certain conditions should be met, and procedures adhered to, before strike action was embarked upon; it was about improving organisational processes, not imposing outright prohibition. Yet while In Place of Strife appeared eminently reasonable to its political advocates, it aroused strong opposition from key sections of the 1 2 Comrades in conflict Parliamentary Labour Party (PLP), a prominent Cabinet Minister, the Home Secretary James Callaghan, and from the trade

in Comrades in conflict
Peter Dorey

Attorney-General.2 The following month (May 1968), Castle acknowledged that, while there was likely to be much in the imminent Donovan Report with which the Cabinet could concur, there was likely to be a need for legislation in the next (1968–9) Parliamentary session, even if this was only in the form of a short bill.3 48 Comrades in conflict By this stage, during the spring of 1968, and thus very shortly before the publication of the Royal Commission’s Report, Castle and Wilson had received indications that radical or substantial industrial relations reform was

in Comrades in conflict