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Social welfare for the twenty-first century

Social democracy has made a political comeback in recent years, especially under the influence of the ‘Third Way’. Not everyone is convinced, however, that ‘Third Way’ social democracy is the best means of reviving the Left's project. This book considers this dissent and offers an alternative approach. Bringing together a range of social and political theories, it engages with some contemporary debates regarding the present direction and future of the Left. Drawing upon egalitarian, feminist and environmental ideas, the book proposes that the social democratic tradition can be renewed but only if the dominance of conservative ideas is challenged more effectively. It explores a number of issues with this aim in mind, including justice, the state, democracy, new technologies, future generations and the advances in genetics.

Bogdan Popa

proposals a refusal of Nazi legacy, yet they chose different elements to emphasize as key to their programs. In The District of Gaiety , anti-abortion politics derives from the same aversion to Nazism that Herzog describes in her study. The socialist epistemology of productive bodies incorporates conservative ideas, given that the problem of natality takes center stage. In the film

in De-centering queer theory
Marcel Stoetzle

and child! It is clear that this, hypothetically, would be the most desirable domestic life for the worker. It is interesting to see how in this early text of feminist theory the progressive aspects are mixed in with generally rather conservative ideas about gender roles: although the entire argument is for the equal education of women, the notion that the girls will receive ‘pretty bonnets’ and the boys books marks a fault-line in the argument. Next Tristan addresses a particularly divisive matter in the reality of working-class families then (and

in Beginning classical social theory
Sean Parson

for public use again. Access to the commons, then, need to be thought of as a right for all to use, and it is a right that is directly tied to need. So, for instance, this means the right of the homeless to turn public space into tent-cities. This view goes against the conservative idea of quality of life, which views tent-cities and homeless encampments as limiting the access of other residents to use parks and public space. In making that argument, the conservatives do not take into account aspects of power and questions of need. When we think of a commons, we

in Cooking up a revolution
David Hesse

masculinity, a site of memory – as he did before, in nineteenth-­century Britain, when the increasingly sedentary male middle class feared effeminacy and thus went deer stalking in the Highlands to rediscover primal masculinity.40 Some of this is true. At Scottish festivals, highly conservative ideas about men and male dominance are celebrated and re-­enacted – temporarily, in the fenced-­ off carnival zone of inversion. As was examined earlier, the Scottish dreamscape leaves very little room for women. In Scottish play-­acting, all the traditional roles and costumes are

in Warrior dreams
Sarah Glynn

[and she could have added increasingly also the immigrant population], the haves and have-nots, the employed and the unemployed, capital and labour. The constituency of class inequality has been pushed to the back of the agenda and blacks have become the new proletariat of both the liberal conscience and its more and less progressive allies.109 The more recent turn towards faith groups has especially tended to favour social conservatism, even allowing that individual ‘community’ or faith groups may support progressive as well as more conservative ideas

in Class, ethnicity and religion in the Bengali East End
Jack Saunders

Attributing the more moderate attitudes of fellow stewards to their right-wing Labour politics and loyalty to government incomes policies,137 Ashcroft reveals how rare his ideological hostility to union officials was amongst activists and confirms the dominance of more conservative ideas about industrial relations at Luton. This was especially evident in factory-level decisions, like the company-wide secret ballot held to decide the outcome of national pay negotiations. Despite the factory having decided to accept the company’s offer, Ashcroft’s section opted instead to

in Assembling cultures