more informal than the Irish. Many of the
British side addressed the Prime Minister as Tony. They were here to do
a deal. They were very personal and would often have
an informal conversation on a walk around the grounds. It was a totally
different atmosphere, compared with the previous Tory administration.
They were much easier to deal with on a personal level. They had none of
the old imperial
violence, I have written of the importance of developing curricula and diverse pedagogical approaches that allow for conversations about violence, the genealogies of violence, the persistence in the contemporary world of a variety of kinds of violence, including state violence, in the context of reflecting on the vulnerability of the human condition ( O’Donnell, 2015 ). Gereluk and Titus (2018) think that this kind of approach to curriculum is important for engaging with the violent radicalisation of youth.
Educational spaces are complicated spaces. They are thinking
, this period was beyond recall anyway. Christian de la Bachellerie
(Boulogne-Billancourt), an older interviewee born in 1924, said ‘we
didn’t really speak about war. We felt quite calm.’ For André Dutilleul
(Hellemmes), the subject entered conversations ‘just before the war […]
But before that, in our family, we didn’t mention it.’ Apocalyptic future
war, about which so much ink had flowed, was not an everyday concern –
or if it was, it was not for children’s ears. Paul Termote (Hellemmes) reasoned that he heard nothing about future war because ‘parents didn’t
disseminated online through email newsletters and social media. Titles and programmes are attractive enough and usually include expressions such as ‘challenges’, ‘future’, ‘threats/risks’, ‘security’ and ‘global’. These programmes circulate online generating much twitter conversation among participants and prospective audiences. What happens onsite is preceded by online preparation, synchronic streaming and tweeting, and post-event resonances. As collective situations, both online and onsite, these events are settings that offer exceptional opportunities to observe how what
Confederated’ were published anonymously and consecutively in July and August 1871. These pieces were written in the form of a pseudo-conversation between two people (an interviewer and an interviewee), at a hypothetical point in time when Imperial Federation had been adopted. When asked why Imperial Federation had been established, the interviewee explained that ‘[f]or several previous years the relations of the different parts of the Empire had been unsatisfactory’ and that some public figures – in Britain and the colonies – had begun discussing the possibility of
Feminist critiques of countering violent extremism
not adult men) are ‘innocent’ and ‘vulnerable.’ Through this process, the ‘civilians frame’ has been distorted by reliance on a proxy – ‘women and children’ – that both encompasses some combatants (female and child soldiers) and excludes some non-combatants (adult civilian men). ( Carpenter, 2005 , p. 296)
The problem with this distortion of the frame is that it renders civilian men legitimately targetable and represents a failure to respond to the vulnerabilities of male non-combatants. Carpenter recounts a conversation between UNPROFOR General Morrillon and
Racialisation of countering violent extremism programming in the US
perpetrators prosecuted? Why is the state not engaged in CVE programmes against militia and ‘patriot’ movements, while Minneapolis is one of the sites for the Department of Homeland Security’s ‘pilot’ programmes for CVE? The absence of white perpetrators from CVE discussions limits conversations and policy debates on CVE to only jihadist extremists.
While not everyone at the Bundy and Malheur standoffs had far-right views ( Gallaher, 2016 ), mainly anti-immigrant and anti-Muslim ‘patriot’ groups were present at both events. Yet their actions have not been categorised as
Inapplicability and necessity in Bosnia Herzegovina
Tanya Dramac Jiries
members of the communities refer to themselves as such, as confirmed in interviews with them.
5 Conversation with Vlado Azinović, June 2018.
6 As demonstrated by the violence at the football match, which resulted in one person being killed. See www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/thousands-mourn-killed-sarajevo-football-fan (accessed June 2017).
7 For a detailed analysis of the groups operating in the Balkans and their specific modus operandi, see http://javno.rs/analiza/balkanske-ultra-desnicarske-grupe-preplavile-internet- ; for paramilitary
Ian McEwan’s The Children Act and the limits of the legal practices in Menke’s ‘Law and violence’
which include family relations, the medical profession, and literature,
among others; and all of these are subservient to the wider project of
formulating and honoring what “we,” pluralistically construed and in
constant conversation with each other, take to be human flourishing.
3. Unlawful entry: Menke, Hart, and Derrida on
McEwan’s novel presents a model of the law that, first, has welfare, or a
version of the Good Life, as its central concern; second, can fulfill this
promise to the degree that the interconnections between legal
‘History is past politics, politics is present history’
to Freeman, Round presented the Conquest as a necessary corrective to the excessive liberty of the Anglo-Saxons whose institutions were quashed absolutely by the power of the Norman invaders.
Following Round, several critics of Freeman poked fun at his pedantic, repetitive, and tedious style. Frederic Harrison, in his fictional dialogue ‘The History Schools’ (1894), presented a conversation between an Oxford tutor and a frustrated young history undergraduate who was trying, with little success, to read Freeman’s Norman Conquest . 94 While the tutor defended