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The campaign for state reform, 1934
Chris Millington

child. In carrying out this service, they had demonstrated similar qualities necessary for the leadership of France: the veteran had shown selflessness and devotion to the nation, the father his ‘assured probity’ and ‘hard toil’. Both stood in opposition to those who had neglected their national duty, the self­interested politician and the individualistic childless man.73 The nation owed a debt to fathers and veterans.74 Corporatism informed the UNC’s plans for the state representation of families. Inspired by the work of René de La Tour du Pin and ­Social Catholics

in From victory to Vichy
Baden-Powell, Scouts and Guides, and an imperial ideal
Allen Warren

which clearly informed his thoughts and attitudes in a whole variety of circumstances. First, there is a consistent corporatism about politics both national and imperial and a constant reiteration of the need for social and political unity against dangers both external and subversive. ‘We are all bricks in the wall’, is a constantly reiterated metaphor, and each citizen was urged to see him or herself

in Imperialism and Popular Culture
Trevor Dean

years’ 3 and was a victory for what Najemy has called ‘corporatism’, that is control of membership of executive committees by the professional and commercial corporations. This was strengthened in 1293 with the Ordinances of Justice which, in the declared interest of ‘equality’, excluded magnates and restricted eligibility for the priorate to non-knights and guildsmen who ‘continuously

in The towns of Italy in the later Middle Ages
Abstract only
R.J.B. Bosworth

-liberal ‘market’ hegemony, the recipes of Fascism for human or national Italian good – autarky, empire, corporatism, war (and a dreadful tally of ‘premature deaths’ reaching a million) – are cruel, crude, dated and irrelevant. The attempts to parallel Berlusconi’s rule with that of the Duce are unconvincing in detail, while Italy’s neo-fascists, 272 The cult of the Duce long the fourth largest party in the Republic and even more influential in business and zones of popular culture, at present seem converted by their last leader, Gianfranco Fini, into opting for the discreet

in The cult of the Duce
Abstract only
Bryce Evans

the wartime economy. Lee, ‘Corporatism’, 331. Garvin, Preventing, 34. Brian Girvin, ‘Church, State and the Moral Community’, in Brian Girvin and Gary Murphy eds, The Lemass Era: Politics and Society in the Ireland of Seán Lemass (Dublin, 2005), 122–145. Alvin Jackson, Ireland 1798–1998: Politics and War (Oxford, 1999), 353. Jackson, Ireland, 355–360. See discussions on post-war planning in PRONI, CAB/4A/22. MIOA, Christy Hennessy, b. 1932, Waterford City. Interviewed 8 April 2000, page 5. For the broader application of this mentality, see John Coakley, ‘Society and

in Ireland during the Second World War
Abstract only
The Jeunes de l’UF and the Jeunes de l’UNC
Chris Millington

that republican institutions would be destroyed in the coming ‘revolution’. This was consonant with its overall spirit for – more so than the JUF – the JUNC had explicitly political goals, which it developed in the UNC’s press. It endorsed the programmes of and encouraged collaboration with the leagues. It was anti-communist, supported corporatism and the organised profession, eulogised the virtuous French peasant, family life and pursued a conservative policy on women. The JUNC became a virtual political wing of the UNC and was in some ways more radical than its

in From victory to Vichy
An elusive ideal
Adrian O’Connor

attack upon equality, [and] who fight against meaningful reform.”75 But these condemnations reflected the fluctuations of political rhetoric as well as longstanding or committed anti-corporatism. There were exceptions even to such clear condemnations, as when Grégoire claimed – in the same speech – that the scientific academies had performed “services of singular importance to the nation” and so deserved an exemption from the impending suppression.76 While the proposed exemption was rejected by his colleagues, Grégoire was not alone in thinking that once the most

in In pursuit of politics
Historians and their personae in the Portuguese New State
António da Silva Rêgo

mixture of nationalism, corporatism, conservatism, Catholicism and traditionalism, the New State regime nonetheless propagated the ideal of a ‘New Man’,2 which it described in language in which virtues and vices featured quite prominently. In this chapter I argue that scholarly personae offer a helpful lens for understanding the professionalization of history in Portugal. I define a scholarly persona as a constellation of commitments to goods, embodied through the cultivation of virtues and the honing of skills and practices, which together characterize the way in which

in How to be a historian
Neville Kirk

, attached central importance to the adoption of ‘corporatist’ and regulatory policies in relation to incomes, the social wage and, albeit in an increasingly qualified manner, workplace relations. As we will see below, Hawke’s and Keating’s agreement with the ACTU , in the form of the Accord, and their unqualified opposition to ‘market fundamentalism’ or ‘Thatcherism’, were crucial factors in the successful realisation of their goals. In contrast, Blair and Brown eschewed the 1970s ‘corporatism’ of the Social

in Labour and the politics of Empire
Martin Thomas

Free French administration drew a line in the sand against previous colonial exploitation was more propaganda myth than tangible reality. 5 Under Gaullist rule, French West Africans were compelled to assist France’s struggle in a remote conflict much as they were previously obliged to accept the increased corporatism and authoritarian controls of Vichy planners. 6

in The French empire at war 1940–45