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The institutional approach and the issue-based approach
Shizuka Oshitani

stimuli to domestic policy processes. 38 Global warming policy in Japan and Britain The discussion of institutionalism is linked with the literature on corporatism, here understood as describing a form of institution that can be contrasted with non-corporatism, or pluralism. In this study, Japan is seen as having important institutional characteristics of corporatism in terms of analysing environmental policy, and Britain those of pluralism. As explained subsequently, it has been argued that the degree of corporatism has implications for environmental performance

in Global warming policy in Japan and Britain
David Arter

the phenomenon of ‘Harpsund democracy’. In November 1958 the Social Democratic daily Stockholms Tidningen wrote that ‘the recurring discussions at Harpsund between the government and representatives of the business sector and working life are one of several signs that a new spirit of co-operation is being created. Wise people both within enterprises and the labour movement are working to gain a more comprehensive perspective on economic policy issues’ (Lewin 1988: 204). In short, neo-corporatism was at the heart of policy-making in the Swedish model. Political

in Scandinavian politics today
Abstract only
Shizuka Oshitani

priorities’ (Vogel, 1993: 241). His point can be explicated in terms of political economy. In Japan, the government intervenes in markets and steers the economy (see Johnson, 1982). Planning is a key feature of state activity. Business is relatively well integrated and government and organised business collaborate with each other in making and implementing policies. In other words, Japan possesses important features of corporatism. Britain, on the other hand, has a strong liberal state tradition. Unlike in Japan, interventionism is alien in Britain. Society is considered

in Global warming policy in Japan and Britain
Shizuka Oshitani

shown that consensus corporatism and majoritarian pluralism, as contrasting institutional systems, give a good vantage point for analysing global warming policy in Japan and Britain. However, this institutional approach has little explanatory power in accounting for the fundamental Interests, institutions and global warming 231 constraints on carbon dioxide mitigation policy. For this, we have to turn to the characteristics of the global warming problem and their effects on the political behaviour of actors operating in liberal democracies. International influences

in Global warming policy in Japan and Britain
Norman Flynn

pensions and unemployment compensation: the others have gradually increased retirement ages, reduced the generosity of benefits and tried to reduce the costs of unemployment compensation. European economies are subject to shared competitive pressure, but have responded in different ways. Of the three major economies, Germany has gradually dismantled its consensual corporatism as companies swing towards shareholder returns and away from social responsibility and France has also slowly liberalised. Only the UK has created a liberal labour market and weak regulation

in In search of social democracy
Matt Treacy

teaching. However, he also fails I believe to distinguish between the impulse behind radical republican references to such principles and the motivation behind the Blueshirt / Fine Gael embrace of corporatism.7 Of course a similar dichotomy existed in other Catholic countries between ‘egalitarian’ and ‘elitist’ advocates of Catholic social teaching and fascism. Rerum Novarum voices the Catholic Church’s concern at the ‘moral degeneracy’ of capitalism, and suggests that, in the absence of the guild system, working men were prey to ‘crafty agitators’ attempting to exploit

in The IRA 1956–69
Open Access (free)
Modernisation via Europeanisation
Brigid Laffan

were congruent with membership of a highly competitive market regime. Irish efforts to manage ‘Europeanisation’ and internationalisation evolved through a form of neo-corporatism known as ‘social partnership’. This began in 1987 with the Programme for National Recovery (1987–90) and was followed by three subsequent programmes – the Programme for Economic and Social Progress (PESP 1990–93), the Programme for Competitiveness and Work (PCW 1994–96) and Partnership 2000 (1997–2000). The programmes involved agreement between employers, trade unions, farming interests and

in Fifteen into one?
Social and cultural modernity beyond the nation-state
Author: Shivdeep Grewal

German philosopher Jürgen Habermas has written extensively on the European Union. This is the only in-depth account of his project. Published now in a second edition to coincide with the celebration of his ninetieth birthday, a new preface considers Habermas’s writings on the eurozone and refugee crises, populism and Brexit, and the presidency of Emmanuel Macron.

Placing an emphasis on the conception of the EU that informs Habermas’s political prescriptions, the book is divided into two main parts. The first considers the unfolding of 'social modernity' at the level of the EU. Among the subjects covered are Habermas's concept of juridification, the latter's affinities with integration theories such as neofunctionalism, and the application of Habermas's democratic theory to the EU. The second part addresses 'cultural modernity' in Europe – 'Europessimism' is argued to be a subset of the broader cultural pessimism that assailed the project of modernity in the late twentieth century, and with renewed intensity in the years since 9/11.

Interdisciplinary in approach, this book engages with European/EU studies, critical theory, political theory, international relations, intellectual history, comparative literature, and philosophy. Concise and clearly written, it will be of interest to students, scholars and professionals with an interest in these disciplines, as well as to a broader readership concerned with the future of Europe

David Coates and Leo Panitch

not alone in turning from the focused analysis of one political party to a more general political sociology of social democracy and the State. By the mid-1970s Leo Panitch had already intervened significantly in the emerging international debate on corporatism (Panitch 1977a, 1980a, 1981), and had made his initial contributions to the new Marxist work on the State (Panitch 1976, 1980b, 1986b, 1986c). After Labour in Power? (Coates 1980), Coates’s own Gramscian turn then produced The Context of British Politics (1984a) and Running the Country (1995 [1990]), both of

in Interpreting the Labour Party
Andreas Antoniades

and state–society relations, the Continental model is associated with ‘neo-corporatism’ (or ‘societal’ and ‘liberal’ corporatism), and the Southern European model is associated with ‘state corporatism’ (or statism).6 Let us confine ourselves to the following characteristics of each category. Pluralist systems are typically associated with an individualistic social culture, and a clear separation between state and society (Cawson, 1978). Furthermore, the role of the state in these systems is confined to the arbitration of competition among the various societal groups

in Producing globalisation