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Abstract only
Peter Triantafillou

1 Introduction Contemporary mutations of power in public administration and management Almost half a century ago, the political scientist Philippe Schmitter asked whether Western liberal democracies were still in the age of corporatism (Schmitter, 1974; see also Lembruch & Schmitter, 1982). His answer was affirmative, though he also foresaw that corporatism would probably not last into the twenty-first century due to a number of inbuilt political and social tensions. Today, most scholars seem more concerned with the question of whether we are still in the age of

in Neoliberal power and public management reforms
Thomas Prosser

trend (Streeck, 1997 ), yet tripartite pacts which aimed to achieve greater competitiveness and/or the criteria for euro entry were particularly notable. These agreements involved wage restraint and were concluded in a series of European countries. Given differences with traditional corporatist agreements, pacts of earlier decades put greater emphasis on redistribution, the competitive character of later agreements was underlined; one study spoke of ‘competitive corporatism’ (Rhodes, 1998a ) while Streeck labelled the agreements ‘alliance[s]‌ between nationalism and

in European labour movements in crisis
Tudor Jones

bureaucracies, entrenched corporatism and centralised statism of Britain in the late 1970s. In its pages he offered what he described in his Memoirs as his ‘alternate strategy for Liberals’. Instead of ‘trying to palliate state Socialism and its bed fellow corporatism’, Liberals ought, he argued, to ‘reassert more fertile traditions’ – namely, those of the free market, cooperation and community development. On those three pillars, supported by ‘a new appreciation of the virtues of private property’, a modern liberal society could be built. 28 In

in The uneven path of British Liberalism
Thomas Prosser

state in previous decades, German corporatism has ebbed in recent years. German labour is also represented by SPD. SPD is strongly social-democratic in orientation, though its implementation of the deregulatory Hartz reforms in the 2000s led to disillusionment on the left of party; in recent times, the radical Die Linke party has attracted disenchanted SPD supporters. Germany is the archetypal core Eurozone country. Many consider Germany to have been advantaged from the conception of the single currency; not only did the ECB adopt the anti

in European labour movements in crisis
Abstract only
Shivdeep Grewal

well. From the early 1960s, the Commission pressed member states to fulfil treaty obligations in the area, attempted to expand its own competences through maximalist interpretations of the Treaty of Rome, sought to foster European corporatism and, in line with the labour mobility requirements of the Common Market, pushed for the harmonisation of social security systems; Commission rhetoric suggested a comprehensive federalisation of welfare in the future (Cram, 1997 ). Nevertheless, Cram notes how the Commission

in Habermas and European integration
Bryan Fanning

conditions that would nurture and sustain individual adaptability, flexibility and risk-taking; a ‘sustainable balance between dynamism and security’.12 In this context it was unsurprising that the Fanning_01_Text.indd 17 23/11/2010 14:05 18 Immigration and social cohesion major statements since then about immigration and integration policy that are examined here have de-emphasised ethno-cultural rules of belonging. From blocking coalitions to competitive corporatism In answering the title question of his 2004 book Preventing the Future: Why Was Ireland so Poor for so

in Immigration and social cohesion in the Republic of Ireland
Mark Garnett

approach to industrial relations’. These principles amounted to a voluntarist brand of ‘corporatism’, in which the government, the unions and the employers would engage in ‘a partnership independent of politics’. However, in Macleod’s version of corporatism the government would not seek agreement at the expense of its authority; rather, ‘the final decision of government can only be taken by government itself ’. In true ‘One Nation’ style, he claimed that the Conservatives were not beholden to any sectional interest, and were anxious only to promote ‘the partnership on

in Conservative orators from Baldwin to Cameron
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

was to be challenged by the transfer of state-owned industries to the private sector, a process known as ‘privatisation’. Corporatism was to be rejected and the role for trade unions and business in formal government economic planning was to be ended. There was a strong commitment to market economics as the best means of ensuring economic efficiency and high levels of economic growth. Keynesian economic management was to be abandoned, along with the

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Magnus Ryner

highvalue-added manufacturing base (such as Germany and the Scandinavian countries) are articulated with US-centred finance-led capital accumulation through export-oriented growth strategies. Third Way politics has facilitated ‘competitive corporatism’ where wage increases remain below productivity growth. These economies recovered rather well after the relative stabilisation of the world economy after the London G-20 summit in 2009, largely because of demand–pull from emerging markets. At the same time, they remain very vulnerable on the fortunes of export markets at a

in European social democracy during the global economic crisis
Abstract only
Legal pluralism in the world society
Gunther Teubner

merchants’ guilds, and they ascribe to it a sense of solidarity or an ‘inner law of associations’ with a disciplinary code and organisational sanctions such as blacklisting and exclusion from membership. For the competitive dynamics of today's world markets, such corporatism on a global scale seems somewhat antiquated, to put it mildly. A third line of thought has developed the adventurous construct of

in Critical theory and legal autopoiesis