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Pamela Sue Anderson

that what is true for Christian Constantianism is also true of universal claims for human rights: they both represent Eurocentric imperialism. Yet in Hauerwas’s lecture Troeltsch is merely a stalking horse: claims to rights for all must be dismissed, in order to avoid imposing ‘Christianised’ values onto those people who have not recognised them as their own. Against: the politics of rights Hauerwas suggests that contemporary cosmopolitanism unwittingly equates Christianity with the ‘new Europe’, i.e., America, in a manner similar to Troeltsch’s equation of

in Religion and rights
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Learning the languages of peace
Stanley Hauerwas

This does not mean I believe the Christian faith is not true, but what it means for it to be true cannot be secured by a theory of truth more determinative than the faith itself. Interestingly enough Christians now confronted by philosophical and political alternatives that claim universality as a necessary position to address the challenges of living in a global environment find themselves in the awkward position Jews have long occupied. From a cosmopolitan perspective, Christianity represents a parochial tradition that cannot pass muster as knowledge or as an ethic

in Religion and rights
Chantal Mouffe

the defence of the oppressed. He draws our attention to a counterhegemonic human rights discourse and argues that, in order to be able to operate as a counter-hegemonic form of globalisation, human rights need to be reconceived as ‘multicultural’, that is, as allowing for different formulations suiting different cultures. He calls for another form of globalisation, a globalisation ‘from below’, which he proposes to call ‘cosmopolitan globalization’. To avoid any misunderstanding let me indicate straight away that Sousa Santos utilises the term ‘cosmopolitan’ in a

in Religion and rights
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Jewish refugees in Manchester
Bill Williams

newcomers were judged not by their origins or beliefs but by such qualities as enterprise, benevolence and commitment to the urban good. Manchester, Disraeli believed, was a New Athens, the centre of a liberal civilisation hewn out of industrial and commercial rock. Successive Manchester historians and antiquarians bought into these notions to develop the myth of a benevolent cosmopolis. So Louis Hayes could write in 1905: Our foreign trade brings us into contact with almost all nationalities, and makes us probably more cosmopolitan in our views. We welcome to our shores

in ‘Jews and other foreigners’
Daniel Featley, anti-Catholic controversialist abroad
Hugh Adlington

there’.65 Such glimpses into the lives of ambassadors and their chaplains hint at their cosmopolitanism; through personal acquaintance with their religious and political opposite numbers, controversialists such as Featley and Crakanthorpe were able to maintain at least minimally civil diplomatic relations while prosecuting staunchly anti-Catholic arguments abroad. In 1614, Featley acknowledged his mistake in accepting the Cornwall benefice in such a ‘barren and thirsty soyle’ so far from ‘the wellsprings of knowledge’.66 He appealed for patronage to Thomas Morton

in Chaplains in early modern England
Shailja Sharma

citizens as central to determining policies on migrants. Since the populace (demos) elects its representatives in a democracy, its interests take priority over any other moral perspective. This communitarianism perspective favours the interests of the national community over a larger ethical imperative (Gibney, 2004). The second perspective, “impartialism”, takes a more cosmopolitan view of membership and privileges moral imperatives and justice over narrow national interests (liberalism and utilitarianism). Though impartiality would seem the properly ethical and just

in Postcolonial minorities in Britain and France
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Catholic imagination, modern Irish writing and the case of John McGahern
Frank Shovlin

secularism a little too quickly for its own good, McGahern feared that the more worthwhile and beautiful aspects of Catholicism would be lost in the race to cosmopolitan modernity. He liked to quote his great literary hero Marcel Proust on this subject. Proust, a hundred years earlier, had witnessed and regretted similar trends towards disregarding the traditions and lifestyles that the French Church had created over centuries, and wrote of his worries in a letter quoted by McGahern: I can tell you at Illiers, the small community where two days ago my father presided at

in Irish Catholic identities
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Street photography, humanism and the loss of innocence
Justin Carville

75   76 76 Tracing change and setting the context of Catholic Ireland that corresponded with this envisioning of the routine expression of Catholic faith. The influence of Catholicism on the social structures of rural Ireland may have been a clear signifier of difference between Life’s urban, cosmopolitan readers and the Irish subjects represented in the photo-​essay. However, Lange’s visual articulation of rural Irish life through the lowbrow aesthetic of documentary humanism (Bourdieu 1990b: 80), cemented in the public imagination by the Family of Man

in Tracing the cultural legacy of Irish Catholicism
Jewish identity in late Victorian Leeds
James Appell

Northern Pale of Settlement, rather than a ‘cosmopolitan’ mix of Jews from across the Pale. Across Britain’s immigrant Jewish communities, social groupings formed based on solidarity among landsmen . C hevroth , small, self-administered religious congregations established by groups of immigrants, were named for the towns and villages from which their members emigrated. In London, the Kalisch, Kovno and Kiev chevroth which formed during the period denote a wide area of provenance, from modern-day Poland, Lithuania and Ukraine respectively – and by extension, a diverse

in Leeds and its Jewish Community
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The victims of Fascism and the liberal city
Bill Williams

supporters of the victims of European Fascism. The reality of their attitudes suggests a down-side of Manchester’s cosmopolitan make-up: the possibility that immigrants might reflect the politics of their home countries, all very well when those countries were fighting for democracy, as Italy was during the First World War, but less so in the 1930s, when Manchester Germans and Italians were being encouraged by powerful propaganda from their home countries to support the Fascist regimes of their homelands. For the Italians, who, it has been argued, association with the

in ‘Jews and other foreigners’